UC-NRLF 


1917 


KARL  POLLEN 


Biographical  Study 


BY 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON  SPINDLER 

A.  B.  Indiana  University,  1900 
A.  M.  Indiana  University,  1908 


THESIS 

Submitted  in  Partial  Fulfillment  of  the  Requirements  for  the 

Degree  of 

DOCTOR  OF  PHILOSOPHY 
IN  GERMAN 

IN 

THE  GRADUATE  SCHOOL 

OF  THE 

UNIVERSITY  OF  ILLLINOIS 
1916 


EXCHANGE 


THE  LIFE 


OF 


KARL  POLLEN 


THE  UNIVERSITY  OF  CHICAGO  PRESS 
CHICAGO,  ILL. 


Agents : 

THE  BAKER  &  TAYLOR  COMPANY 
NEW   YORK 

THE  CUNNINGHAM,  CURTISS  &  WELCH  COMPANY 

LOS   ANGELES,  CAL. 

THE  CAMBRIDGE  UNIVERSITY  PRESS 
LONDON   AND  EDINBURGH 

THE  MARUZEN-KABUSHIKI-KAISHA 
TOKYO,  OSAKA,  KYOTO,  EUKUOKA,   SENDAI 

THE  MISSION  BOOK  COMPANY 
SHANGHAI 

KARL  W.   HIERSEMANN 
LEIPZIG 


KARL   POLLEN 

A 
Biographical  Study 

BY 

GEORGE  WASHINGTON  SPINDLER 

M 

A.  B.  Indiana  University,  1900 
A.  M.  Indiana  University,  1908 


THESIS 

Submitted  in  Partial  Fulfillment  of  the  Requirements  for  the 
Degree  of 

DOCTOR  OF  PHILOSOPHY 
IN  GERMAN 

IN 

THE  GRADUATE  SCHOOL 

OF  THE 

UNIVERSITY  OF  ILLINOIS 
1916 


44? 


[ 


Copyright  1917   By 

THE    GERMAN-AMERICAN    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY 
OF  ILLINOIS 


All   Rights   Reserved 


Published  April,  1917 


FOREWORD. 

The  following  work  is  based  upon  Follen's  writings, 
contemporary  references  to  him  hitherto  uncollected,  and  pre= 
vious  biographical  material.  With  all  the  available  sources 
gathered  from  various  libraries  in  the  United  States  I  have 
sought  to  present  Follen's  life  as  a  whole  and  at  the  same  time 
to  throw  new  light  upon  both  his  European  and  American 
career.  Through  the  kindness  of  Professor  Julius  Goebel  I 
had  access  to  a  number  of  Follen's  recently  discovered  letters 
which  made  it  possible  for  me  to  explain  Follen's  much  criti 
cised  and  misinterpreted  turn  to  the  ministry.  On  account  of 
the  European  war  some  of  Follen's  early  essays  are  at  present 
inaccessible ;  some  of  his  later  ones  are  extant  only  in  various 
old  American  periodicals.  These  along  with  several  of  the 
more  valuable,  though  almost  forgotten,  essays  in  his  published 
works  I  hope  to  give  to  the  public  at  some  future  time. 

Follen's  literary  remains,  including  some  of  his  diaries, 
his  fragmentary  work  on  psychology,  and  other  valuable  writ 
ings,  probably  lie  buried  in  some  unmarked  grave.  The  late 
John  Cabot  of  Brookline,  Massachusetts,  who  had  charge  of 
the  Follen  family  possessions,  sought  in  vain  to  locate  these 
papers  for  me.  He  informed  me,  however,  that  to  the  best  of 
his  recollection  this  material  had  been  turned  over  either  to 
Professor  Kuno  Francke  or  to  the  librarian  of  Harvard  Uni 
versity,  but  I  have  been  assured  by  both  of  these  gentlemen 
that  they  have  no  knowledge  of  its  whereabouts. 

To  my  friend  and  teacher,  Professor  Julius  Goebel,  at 
whose  suggestion  it  was  undertaken,  is  due  the  credit  for 
whatever  merit  this  work  possesses,  and  I  take  this  occasion 
to  express  my  deepest  gratitude  for  his  kindly  direction  and 
scholarly  criticism.  To  Dr.  Alexander  Green,  my  friend  and 
former  colleague,  I  am  under  obligation  also  for  helpful  sug 
gestions. 

G.  W.  S. 
Purdue  University,  January  1917. 


360576 


CONTENTS 

PAGB 
Introduction 7 

PART  ONE 

POLLEN  IN  EUROPE 

I     His  Propaganda  for  German  Unity 10 

The   Burschenschaft  15 

His  Republicanism  23 

His  Revolutionary  Aims  38 

The   Kotzebue   Affair 60 

In    Political    Exile 76 

PART  Two 

POLLEN  IN  AMERICA 

I     His  Promotion  of  German  Studies 84 

Language    94 

Literature   94 

Philosophy    122 

Gymnastics   126 

Influence  at  Harvard 139 

II     His  Relation  to  Unitarianism 146 

Plan  of  Religious  Reform 158 

Intercourse  with  W.  E.  Channing 161 

Religious  Views  172 

Influence  as   a   Preacher 177 

III     His  Antislavery  Activity 186 

Espousal   of  the   Cause 190 

Addresses  to  the  American  People 194 

Defense  of  Free  Speech 206 

Conclusion    224 

List  of  Pollen's  Writings 229 

Bibliography    .  ...  229 


INTRODUCTION. 


This  Monograph  is  not  only  an  attempt  to  rescue  from 
oblivion  the  memory  of  the  pioneer  of  Germanic  studies  in 
America  and  of  the  influence  of  his  work  in  this  direction, 
but  it  aims  also  to  present  for  the  first  time  an  authoritative 
account  of  his  life. 

The  best  existing  biography  of  Follen  is  that  published 
by  his  widow  in  1842.1  Valuable  as  this  biography  is,  it  is, 
however,  in  no  sense  a  scientific  work  but  rather  an  attempt 
of  a  devoted  wife  to  pay  a  loving  tribute  to  the  character  of 
a  noble  husband  in  recording  the  chief  events  of  his  life. 
Many  important  sources  which  throw  light  upon  Pollen's  Eu 
ropean  career  were  at  the  time  still  unavailable.  The  reasons 
for  Pollen's  antislavery  activity  were  only  partly  explained 
and  his  motives  for  joining  the  Unitarian  movement  were 
wrongly  attributed  to  the  influence  of  W.  E.  Channing. 

While  Gustav  Korner  and  Priedrich  Kapp  recognize 2 
Follen  as  one  of  the  most  distinguished  and  influential  Ger 
man-Americans  in  the  first  half  of  the  19th  century,  they 
devote  only  a  few  pages  to  his  life  and  his  various  activities. 
Friedrich  Munch, 3.  a  friend  and  follower  of  Follen  in  the 
Burschenschaft  movement,  has  contributed  some  useful  in 
formation  on  Pollen's  connection  with  this  movement,  but  in 
several  important  instances  has  unfortunately  erred;  more 
over  his  account  of  Pollen's  life  in  America  is  based  entirely 
upon  Mrs.  Pollen's  work  and  contains  nothing  new.  Ratter- 

1  Vol.  I  of  Pollen's  Works. 

2  Korner,  Das  deutsche  Element;   Kapp,  Deutsche  Rundschau,  Bd. 
25,  1880. 

3  Gesammelte  Schriften,  p.  39ff. 

—  7  — 


INTRODUCTION 

mann's  *  short  biography  is  likewise  based  wholly  upon  the 
same  source  and  presents,  therefore,  no  new  information. 

The  chief  German  authorities  on  Follen  are  Treitschke, 
Biedermann,  Haupt,  and  Pregizer,  all  of  whom  have  discussed 
only  his  connection  with  the  German  liberal  movement  with 
out  any  attempt  to  give  an  account  of  his  career  in  the  United 
States.  Haupt's  work  on  "Follen  und  die  Giessener  Schwar- 
zen"  is  the  most  thorough  and  comprehensive  study  of  Follen 
as  the  founder  and  leader  of  the  Giessen  Burschenschaft.  In 
his  discussion  of  Follen's  political  ideas  Pregizer  confines  him 
self  wholly  to  Follen's  early  life  without  taking  into  account 
his  later  and  more  mature  views.  Owing  to  their  limited 
knowledge  of  Follen's  later  life  both  Treitschke  and  Pregizer 
have  arrived  at  certain  conclusions  which  seem  to  be  unten 
able.  In  general  German  historians  have  hitherto  dealt  almost 
exclusively  with  Follen's  early  life,  regarding  him  for  the 
most  part  only  as  a  political  radical  and  revolutionist. 

Since  the  German  wars  of  liberation  are  beginning  at 
present  to  be  viewed  not  simply  as  a  struggle  against  foreign 
domination  but  also,  and  above  all,  as  the  first  powerful  rise 
of  German  national  feeling,  which  aimed  at  national  unity,2 
it  seems  now  to  become  possible  to  give  a  more  correct  inter 
pretation  to  Follen's  youthful  activity.  For  only  against  the 
background  of  the  movement  for  national  independence  and 
from  the  spiritual  forces  which  at  that  time  exalted  the  Ger 
man  mind  to  undreamed  of  heights  can  Follen's  historical 
significance  be  understood.  It  was  the  time  when  the  best 
men  of  the  nation  first  became  conscious  that  only  in  their 
own  nationality  could  that  higher  humanity  of  which  the  great 
poets  and  thinkers  had  dreamed  be  realized;  the  time  when 
in  the  life-and-death  grapple  with  Napoleon  the  people  first 
became  aware  of  their  strength  and  their  rights,  and  when 
the  German  nation,  in  spite  of  its  political  discord,  once  more 
experienced,  for  the  first  time  in  centuries,  the  joy  of  unity 
and  demanded  for  the  rejuvenated  spirit  the  body  of  a  new 

1  Gesammelte  Werke,  X. 

2  Lamprecht,  Deutscher  Aufstieg,  1750-1914,  p.  28. 
Meinecke,  Die  deutsche  Hrhebung  von  1814,  p.  lOfiF. 

—  8  — 


INTRODUCTION 

national  state.  The  impulse  toward  national  regeneration  and 
a  sound  physical  life  found  expression  in  the  gymnastic  en 
deavors  of  Jahn,  and  the  national  exaltation  as  a  whole  seemed 
to  receive  its  consecration  by  the  awakening  of  a  new  religious 
spirit, — an  awakening  such  as  Germany  had  not  experienced 
since  the  days  of  the  Reformation. 

It  will  be  seen  that  Pollen  as  a  product  of  the  classical 
period  of  German  literature  and  philosophy  assimilated  even 
in  his  youth  the  spiritual  forces  of  his  time,  and  that  these 
not  only  determined  his  activity  in  Europe  but  also  that  of 
his  American  career.  As  a  representative  of  these  ideals  he 
thus  became  the  forerunner  of  thousands,  who  in  the  '30s  and 
especially  in  the  later  '40s  followed  him  to  America.  It  may 
justly  be  said  that  no  other  nation  in  the  world  was  so  deeply 
affected  by  the  German  patriotic  movements  of  the  19th  cen 
tury  as  wras  this  country.  The  period  subsequent  to  Pollen's 
coming  is  one  of  the  most  important  also  in  our  national  his 
tory.  It  was  during  this  period  that  the  higher  intellectual 
life  of  the  young  nation  began  to  emancipate  l  itself  from 
English  traditions  and  to  form  independent  ideals  in  educa 
tion,  philosophy,  and  literature.  At  the  same  time  there  was 
developing  within  the  Union  a  political  conflict,  the  final  out 
come  of  which  had  to  demonstrate  whether  the  high  ideals 
upon  which  the  Republic  was  founded  were  to  prevail  or  not. 
In  all  these  great  national  movements  and  struggles  Pollen 
and  those  who  followed  after  him  were  destined  to  play  an 
important  r61e. 


1  Channing,    Remarks   on   National   Literature    Complete    Works, 

p.  137. 

Barrett,  Wendell,  Literary  History  of  America,  p.  295  f. 
Higginson,  T.  W.,  Cheerful  Yesterdays — Atlantic  Monthly,  Vol. 

79,  p.  490. 

9 


PART  ONE. 
POLLEN  IN  EUROPE. 

CHAPTER  I. 
HIS   PROPAGANDA  FOR  GERMAN   UNITY. 

To  trace  the  rise  and  growth  of  German  national  con 
sciousness,  of  which  Pollen  became  one  of  the  foremost  rep 
resentatives,  even  in  outline,  would  in  itself  be  an  extensive 
study.  For  the  present  purpose  let  it  suffice  to  say  that  the 
undercurrent  of  patriotism  making  itself  felt  first  in  the  patri 
otic  poetry  of  Klopstock  and  in  the  effects  of  the  deeds  of 
Frederick  the  Great,  then  growing  broader  and  deeper  at  the 
opening  of  the  19th  century,  burst  forth  into  a  great  surge 
of  patriotic  feeling  as  the  Germans  watched  their  national  in 
heritance  crumble  away  beneath  the  heel  of  the  foreign  con 
queror.  Through  the  writings  of  such  men  as  Fichte,  Arndt 
and  Jahn,  the  Germans  came  to  realize  that  Teutonic  civiliza 
tion  could  be  preserved  only  by  means  of  national  independence 
and  a  national  state.  Fichte's  famous  "Addresses  to  the  Ger 
man  Nation"  marked  the  transition  from  cosmopolitanism  to 
patriotism,  and  in  the  great  national  awakening  that  followed 
German  national  unity  had  its  inception. 

In  the  wars  of  liberation  the  German  people  united  espe 
cially  to  regain  their  national  independence,  but  in  accordance 
with  the  promises  of  their  rulers  they  expected  also  a  closer 
union  of  all  the  German  states  and  a  greater  degree  of  civic 
freedom  as  a  reward  for  their  patriotic  devotion  in  the  hour 
of  national  peril.  When  the  victorious  German  armies  re 
turned  home  they  demanded  national  unity  in  order  to  avoid 
future  national  calamity  and  looked  forward,  consequently,  in 
confident  expectation  to  a  new  political  life.  In  their  attempt 
to  formulate  a  plan  of  union  only  two  possibilities  presented 
themselves :  either  to  form  a  German  confederation  or  to  dis 
solve  the  existing  governments  and  in  their  stead  found  one 

—  10  — 


GERMAN  UNITY 

German  state.  The  patriots  naturally  demanded  the  latter 
plan;  most  of  them  favored  a  limited  monarchy  while  the 
more  liberal-minded  were  eager  for  a  republic.  "But  the  ma 
jority  of  those  who  were  enthusiastic  for  one  German  state 
would  have  been  indignant  at  the  suggestion  that  this  demand 
expressly  implied  the  dethroning  of  their  ruling  princes."  i 

The  problem  of  German  unity  was  one  of  supreme  diffi 
culty,  for  the  international  Congress  of  Vienna  was  more  con 
cerned  with  the  general  settlement  of  European  affairs  than 
with  the  future  welfare  of  Germany,  and  the  diplomats  from 
other  countries  naturally  did  not  desire  a  strong,  united  Ger 
many.  But  the  greatest  obstacle  to  the  establishment  of  a 
central  government  was  the  unwillingness  of  the  German  prin 
ces  to  surrender  any  of  their  sovereignty.  Believing,  how 
ever,  that  they  ought  at  least  to  unite  for  mutual  protection 
they  finally  passed  an  act  organizing  Germany  into  a  loose 
confederation  of  independent  states.  As  an  opponent  both 
of  national  unity  and  popular  sovereignty  Metternich,  the  rul 
ing  spirit  of  the  assembly,  succeeded  also  in  thwarting  the 
demand  for  constitutional  government.  As  a  result  none  of 
the  rulers  except  the  Grand  Duke  of  Weimar  took  any  im 
mediate  steps  to  grant  their  subjects  a  voice  in  governmental 
affairs.  The  German  people  had  been  temperate  in  their  de 
mands,  asking  merely  for  a  government  that  would  be  more 
in  conformity  with  the  existing  views  of  human  rights.  Bit 
ter  and  profound  was  their  disappointment  when  their  dream 
of  national  unity  and  civic  freedom  turned  out  to  be  a  mere 
illusion.  While  the  older  men  with  few  exceptions  seemed 
to  accept  the  hopeless  political  situation  with  a  spirit  of  pes 
simistic  resignation,  it  is  highly  significant  that  the  widespread 
dissatisfaction  with  the  reactionary  attitude  of  the  German 
rulers  found  its  most  fervent  expression  among  the  younger 
generation  of  German  patriots.  Now  that  the  foreign  enemy 
had  been  overcome  the  academic  youth,  in  whom  the  spirit 
of  Fichte  and  Schleiermacher  still  survived,  united  to  promote 
the  welfare  of  their  common  country,  or  as  a  contemporary 

1  Jastrow,  Geschichte  des  deutschen  Bwheitstraumes,  109. 
—  11  — 


POLLEN  IN  EUROPE 

has  it:  "In  the  academic  youth  the  German  nation  first  be 
came  conscious  of  its  unity."  l  By  exalting  the  idea  of  a  com 
mon  fatherland  and  by  fostering  a  broad  unsectarian  spirit 
in  church  and  state  these  young  patriots  hoped  to  lay  the 
foundation  of  a  new  national  life.  The  first  attempt 2  to 
organize  the  academic  youth  into  an  association  on  nation*! 
lines  was  made  at  Giessen  in  1814.  Foremost  in  this  move 
ment  was  Karl  Follen. 

Karl  Theodor  Christian  Follen  was  the  second  son  of 
Christoph  Follenius,3  advocate  and  judge  at  Giessen  in  Hesse- 
Darmstadt.  He  was  born  on  the  4th  of  September,  1796,  at 
the  home  of  his  grandfather  in  the  village  of  Romrod,  whither 
his  mother  had  gone  to  escape  the  turmoil  occasioned  by  the 
French  occupation  of  Giessen.  After  his  mother's  death, 
when  he  was  only  three  years  old,  his  brothers  and  sisters 
were  sent  to  live  with  their  grand-parents  while  he  remained 
at  home  in  close  companionship  with  his  father,  a  circum 
stance  which  tended  on  the  one  hand  to  increase  his  natural 
precocity,  on  the  other  to  develop  in  him  an  unnatural  seri 
ousness  of  character.  After  several  years  his  father  married 
again,  which,  along  with  the  return  of  the  other  children  to 
the  parental  roof,  supplied  the  home  life  necessary  to  child 
hood.  Under  the  direction  of  his  devoted  stepmother  the 
sensitive,  backward  boy  received  his  first  elementary  instruc 
tion  and  was  sent  to  the  public  schools  where  he  made  rapid 
progress  in  the  common  branches.  Since  he  had  not  been 
accustomed  to  the  companionship  of  children  he  took  little 
interest  in  the  sports  and  games  of  his  schoolmates;  in  fact 
he  had  little  relish  for  the  ordinary  pleasures  of  childhood. 
As  he  grew  older,  however,  a  close  companionship  sprang  up 
between  him  and  his  elder  brother,  Adolf,  which  gradually 
developed  into  an  intimate  and  abiding  friendship. 

While  still  a  mere  child  Follen  began  to  manifest  certain 

1  Wolfgang  Menzel,  Denkwiirdigkeiten,  119. 

2  Stern,  Geschichte  Huropas,  1815—1871,  I,  446. 

•*  The  latinized  form  of  the  name  was  dropped  by  Follen  when  he 
came  to  America. 

—  12  — 


GERMAN  UNITY 

characteristics  for  which  he  became  distinguished  in  later 
years.  Whenever  his  brothers  laughed  at  his  little  idiosyn- 
cracies  he  would  often  fly  into  a  fit  of  uncontrollable  anger. 
This  fault  he  soon  resolved  to  overcome.  He  was  naturally 
timid  and  as  a  result  had  a  great  dread  of  passing  the  grave 
yard  at  night.  In  order  to  conquer  this  weakness  he  forced 
himself  to  go  there  after  dark  and  to  remain  until  he  had 
overcome  his  fear.1  Being  easily  affected  with  dizziness  when 
looking  from  a  height,  he  subdued  this  weakness  by  walking 
daily  upon  the  parapet  of  a  high  bridge  with  his  eyes  fixed 
upon  the  rushing  stream  beneath,  until  by  perseverance  he 
was  able  to  run  backward  and  forward  upon  the  narrow  foot 
ing.  Thus  by  great  and  constant  effort  he  at  last  acquired 
that  perfect  self-control  which  was  a  distinguishing  trait  of 
his  character.  In  these  early  years  he  began  also  to  manifest 
that  spirit  of  independent  thought  and  free  investigation  for 
which  he  was  noted  in  after  life.  He  often  lay  awake  at 
night  reflecting  over  the  mysteries  of  nature  and  the  religious 
instruction  he  had  received  at  school,  and  when  he  could  find 
no  satisfactory  answer  to  some  puzzling  question  would  arise 
and  beg  his  father  to  satisfy  his  curiosity.  If  things  were 
not  explained  to  his  satisfaction  he  formed  decided  opinions 
for  himself  in  all  matters  that  seemed  ambiguous  to  his  child 
ish  mind,  accepting  what  seemed  good  and  rejecting  what 
seemed  unreasonable.  When  he  was  scarcely  twelve  years  of 
age  he  conceived  the  idea  that  if  everyone  should  of  his  own 
free  will  make  himself  an  image  of  Christ  it  would  lay  the 
foundation  for  a  new  state  of  society.  Thus  early  did  he  in 
a  general  way  formulate  a  conception  of  life  which,  broadened 
and  modified  by  subsequent  study,  became  the  basis  of  his 
mature  religious  and  political  views. 

After  passing  through  the  common  school  he  entered  the 
gymnasium  where  he  distinguished  himself  in  all  his  studies, 
especially  in  the  ancient  and  modern  languages.  Among  his 
teachers  none  exercised  so  great  an  influence  on  his  early 

1  Works  of  Charles  Pollen,  I,  8.  In  the  following  pages  these 
works  will  be  referred  to  simply  as  Works. 

—  13  — 


POLLEN  IN  EUROPE 

development  as  Friedrich  Gottlieb  Welcker,1  a  man  imbued 
with  an  ardent  love  of  freedom  and  fatherland.  Although  the 
boy's  patriotism  had,  no  doubt,  already  been  awakened  by 
conversations  with  his  father  on  the  Napoleonic  rule  in  Ger 
many,  it  was  his  teacher  who  first  aroused  his  interest  in  politi 
cal  questions  and  contemporary  historical  events.  Welcker 
was  a  true  German  patriot  and  sought  to  inspire  his  pupils 
also  with  a  love  of  fatherland  and  a  hatred  of  French  domi 
nation.2  To  this  end  he  interested  them  first  of  all  in  Schiller's 
patriotic  poetry.  Thus  Schiller  became  the  light  and  com 
panion  of  Follen's  early  days.  The  thing  that  impressed 
Follen  most  of  all,  as  he  states  in  his  lectures  3  many  years 
later,  was  the  fact  that  Schiller  was  a  poet  of  freedom,  that 
he  resisted  all  kinds  of  unnatural  and  unreasonable  restraints, 
and  that  he  preached  the  gospel  of  freedom  in  the  Kantian 
sense  as  synonymous  with  the  moral  nature  of  man.  Welcker 
further  inspired  his  pupils  by  giving  them  patriotic  themes 
upon  which  to  write  compositions.  Two  such  essays  from 
young  Follen's  pen  in  1811  give  evidence  of  his  growing  pa 
triotism  and  his  longing  for  freedom,  even  at  the  price  of  a 
martyr's  death.  He  expressed  himself  in  this  manner:  4 

"The  Germans  lack  patriotism ;  in  learning  they  take  the 
lead,  but  they  lack  energy.  It  is  the  duty  of  everybody  to 
live  and  to  die  for  the  common  weal.  Then  only  can  they 
serve  God  and  the  fatherland.  It  breaks  my  heart  when  I 
see  how  the  worm  of  tyranny  is  daily  gnawing  at  the  vitals 
of  our  ancestral  freedom.  The  stars  of  hope  have  set  and 
never  will  the  sweet  morning  dawn.  But  living  or  dead  the 
goal  will  yet  be  attained." 

In  the  spring  of  1813,  when  scarcely  more  than  sixteen 
years  of  age,  young  Follen  graduated  from  the  Gymnasium 

1  Welcker   was   afterwards   noted   as   an   acheologist   and   classical 
philologian,   and   became  professor  of  ancient  literature   at   Gottingen 
where  he   made   the   acquaintance  of   the  American   students,    George 
Ticknor  and  Edward  Everett,  to  whom  he  gave  Follen  letters  of  rec 
ommendation  when  the  latter  left  Europe. 

2  Haupt,  Karl  Follen  und  die  Giessener  Schwarzen,  6. 
s  Works,  IV,  388. 

4  Haupt,  22. 

—  14  — 


GERMAN  UNITY 

and  at  once  began  the  study  of  law  at  the  university  of  Gies- 
sen.  It  was  at  this  time  that  the  growing  patriotic  movement, 
such  as  Germany  had  never  witnessed  before,  swelled  into  that 
great  popular  uprising  against  the  foreign  oppressor.  In  re 
sponse  to  the  appeal  of  the  king  of  Prussia  to  the  nation  the 
German  youth  rushed  to  arms  and  with  noble  enthusiasm  went 
out  to  battle  for  their  dearest  rights.  Inspired  by  Jahn's  "Teut- 
sches  Volkstum,"  Fichte's  "Reden  an  die  deutsche  Nation," 
Welcker's  teachings  and  example,  and  especially  by  Korner's 
heroic  death,  Pollen  with  his  two  brothers  joined  a  student 
corps  of  riflemen  and  entered  the  struggle  for  national  inde 
pendence,  ready  to  sacrifice  his  dearest  hopes  upon  the  altar 
of  freedom.  At  the  close  of  the  campaign  in  1814  the  brothers 
returned  home  safely  and  with  new-born  ardor  Follen  again 
took  up  his  study  of  jurisprudence  and  theology  at  Giessen. 
Imbued  with  higher  ideals  of  patriotism  and  possessed  of  a 
more  serious  view  of  life  as  a  result  of  his  experiences  in  the 
war,  his  early  religious  and  political  ideas  now  shaped  them 
selves  into  a  system  somewhat  as  follows  i1  All  tyranny  whatso 
ever  is  sinful,  for  man  is  and  of  right  ought  to  be  free.  Nobody 
is  free  who  is  a  slave  to  his  own  passions,  who  fears  death, 
or  who  does  not  believe  in  immortality.  Since  the  end  and 
aim  of  life  is  Christlike  perfection,  that  is,  perfect  freedom, 
men  are  in  duty  bound  first  to  subdue  the  tyrant  in  their  own 
breasts  and  then  to  oppose  all  unjust  dominion  without;  in 
other  words,  to  lead  a  life  of  purity,  to  submit  to  the  law  of 
justice,  and  to  promote  universal  brotherhood  as  taught  by 
Christ.  Believing  that  the  adoption  of  these  principles  would 
effect  a  regeneration  of  all  mankind  he  now  entered  upon  a 
course  of  activity  which  gradually  developed  into  a  systematic 
propaganda  for  the  political,  social,  and  religious  reform  of 
Germany. 

HIS  PROMOTION  OF  THE  BURSCHENSCHAFT. 

Although  the  German  patriots  prior  to  the  wars  of  libera 
tion  gave  passionate  expression  to  their  longings  for  national 
unity,  the  fact  must  not  be  overlooked  that  the  object  was  not 

1  Works,  I,  21f. 

—  IS  — 


FOLLEN  IN  EUROPE 

so  much  the  welding  of  the  German  states  into  a  strong  political 
whole  for  the  internal  welfare  of  the  country  as  their  mutual 
cooperation   for  the  establishment  of  national  independence. 
Even  after  the  latter  had  been  attained  the  political  writers 
of  the  day  had  only  the  haziest  notions  concerning  the  prob 
lem  of  national  organization.1     Wishes,   hopes,   and  theories 
there  were  in  abundance,  but  community  of  interests  and  defi 
nite  programs  were  wanting.     But  the  academic  youth  took  a 
step  in  advance  of  their  elders  by  formulating  a  definite  plan 
of  action.     In  the  first  place  they  conceived  the  idea  of  re 
organizing  university  life  along  new  lines  and  of  making  it 
thus  the  model  for  a  larger  national  life.     To  this  end  they 
began  a  general  movement  for  the  purpose  of  forming  a  closer 
union  of  all  the  students,  a  true  Burschenschaft,  to  supersede 
the  old,  established  Landsmannschaften,  which  had  hitherto 
dominated  student  affairs  in  the  most  arbitrary  and  tyrannical 
manner.     These  provincial  clubs  not  only  fostered  false  no 
tions  of  honor  and  a  system  of  caste,  but  preserved  also  a 
feeling  of  localism,  a  spirit  of  particularism,  which  was  one 
of  the  greatest  weaknesses  of  German  life.     Ignoring  provin 
cial  lines  and  inculcating  a  larger  ideal  of  association,  the  new 
organization  on  the  other  hand  was  to  be  national  in  its  aims. 
Taking  Fichte,  Jahn,  Arndt,  and  Schleiermacher  as  their  ex 
amples  and  leaders,  and  pledging  themselves  to  lead  a  life  of 
industry,  sobriety,  and  chastity,  these  young  idealists  hoped 
by  means  of  physical  and  mental  training,  by  patriotic  inspira 
tion  and  moral  elevation  to  lead  the  state  of  the   future  to 
the  goal  of  civic  freedom  and  national  unity. 

This  patriotic  outburst  during  the  wars  of  liberation  was 
accompanied  by  an  intense  religious  fervor.  The  supremacy 
of  the  moral  law,  strict  obedience  to  the  inner  voice  of  duty, 
as  taught  by  Kant  and  Fichte,  had  prepared  the  way  for  a 
new  religious  life  in  Germany.  The  Romanticists  had  awak 
ened  a  new  interest  in  Christianity  and  a  deep  feeling  of 
mystic  piety,  while  Schleiermacher  through  his  Addresses  on 
Religion  aroused  a  keener  realization  of  man's  dependence  on 
God.  Through  the  national  disaster  the  Germans  had  become 
*  Jastrow,  129f. 

_  16  — 


GERMAN  UNITY 

more  serious  and  introspective,  and  consequently  more  recep 
tive  to  the  new  spiritual  life  that  was  dawning.  Devotion  to 
humanity  rather  than  personal  happiness  and  culture  came  to 
be  looked  upon  as  the  end  and  aim  of  existence.  To  this 
young  generation  to  be  German  meant  to  be  religious ;  hence 
the  patriotism  of  the  Burschenschaft  movement  went  hand  in 
hand  with  a  fervent  religious  exaltation. 

The  Burschenschaft  movement  originated  and  reached 
its  climax  in  Giessen  and  Jena,  receiving  its  most  character 
istic  stamp  from  the  contrast  between  the  general  atmosphere 
of  these  two  universities.1  The  latter  had  long  enjoyed  a 
reputation  for  its  liberal  traditions  and  its  romantic,  idyllic 
academic  life,  while  the  former  was  characterized  by  a  spirit 
of  narrow  conservatism  and  noted  for  the  traditionally  rough 
and  disorderly  conduct  of  its  students.  In  both  universities 
duels  took  the  place  of  arguments,  and  the  Komment,  the 
self-constituted  laws  of  the  L/andsmannschaften,  was  arbitrary 
in  the  extreme.  But  in  Giessen  especially  sectional  feeling 
ran  high,  and  the  tyranny  of  the  few  over  the  many  became 
almost  unbearable ;  the  rowdyism  of  the  students  had  brought 
them  into  numerous  conflicts  with  the  laws  of  the  land  and 
this  tended  also  to  increase  the  reactionary  attitude  both  of  the 
ducal  and  of  the  university  authorities.  Such  was  the  status 
of  affairs  with  which  the  reformers  had  to  cope  in  Giessen. 
In  marked  contrast  therefore  to  the  burschikos  character  of 
the  Jena  movement,  that  of  Giessen  took  the  form  of  a  politi 
cal  propaganda.  The  heart  and  soul  of  this  movement  was 
Karl  Follen  who,  bent  upon  his  project  for  the  social  and 
political  reform  of  Germany,  inspired  his  followers  to  the 
highest  pitch  of  enthusiasm  for  his  revolutionary  program. 

Under  the  influence  of  Fichte's  "Addresses  to  the  German 
Nation,"  which  advocated  a  new  system  of  education  for  the 
creation  of  a  new  national  spirit,  and  hence  as  a  means  to 
national   unity,   Follen   began   his   propaganda  by   organizing 
literary  clubs   for  the  promotion  of  patriotism  and  science. 
Largely  due  to  the  efforts  of  himself  and  his  elder  brother, 
Adolf,  there  was  organized  in  Giessen  as  early  as  the  autumn 
1  Cf .  Braun,  Westermann's  Monatshefte,  XXXV,  225. 
—  17  — 


POLLEN  IN  EUROPE 

of  1814  a  "Deutsche  Lesegesellschaft,"  in  the  reading  room 
of  which  were  to  be  found  political  newspapers  and  pamphlets, 
and  in  whose  meetings  the  writings  of  such  men  as  Moser, 
Schiller,  Korner,  Arndt,  and  Fichte  were  read  and  discussed.1 
The  members  of  this  society  adopted  the  old  German  garb, — 
long  hair,  black  velvet  coat,  and  dagger,  and  under  the  influ 
ence  of  "Turnvater"  Jahn,  who  had  already  done  so  much 
through  his  gymnastics  to  cultivate  manliness  and  patriotic 
sentiment  in  the  German  youth,  devoted  themselves  diligently 
to  physical  culture  also.  But  on  account  of  rivalries  and  jeal 
ousies,  and  especially  on  account  of  an  attempt  by  a  few  of 
the  leaders  of  the  association  to  abolish  the  practice  of  duel 
ing,  which  had  become  one  of  the  most  baneful  customs  of 
student  life,  the  organization  was  soon  broken  up.  In  the  fol 
lowing  summer,  1815,  a  small  group  of  the  more  radical,  in 
cluding  the  Pollen  brothers,  banded  together  into  a  league 
called  the  "Germania,"  with  patriotic,  moral  and  scholarly 
aims.  From  the  color  of  their  academic  coats  they  were 
dubbed  the  "Blacks"  2  by  the  other  students,  and  on  account 
of  their  stern  morality  and  opposition  to  rowdyism  soon  came 
into  conflict  with  the  Landsmannschaften.  Follen  and  his 
friends  soon  became  so  repugnant  to  the  majority  of  the 
Giessen  students,  as  Wesselhoft  observes,3  that  the  latter  re 
fused  to  fraternize  with  them.  Denounced  as  political  con 
spirators  the  Blacks  were  compelled  to  dissolve  this  league, 
but  immediately  formed  a  new  one  under  the  name  of  "Deut- 
scher  Bildungs-  und  Freundschaftsverein."  4  As  a  condition 
to  entrance  into  this  association  the  candidate  had  to  be  a  true 
Christian,  a  real  German,  and  a  bona  fide  student.  Before 
the  end  of  the  year  this  society  also  was  obliged  to  disband, 
but  the  persecution  by  the  Landsmannschaften  continued  and 
the  Blacks  had  to  maintain  themselves  by  frequent  duels  in 

1  Haupt,  6. 

2  Ibid.,  12.     In  his  Aus  Deutschlands  trubster  Zcit  Munch  errone 
ously  dates  the  origin  of  the  Blacks  at  the  end  of  1816. 

8  Teutsche  Jugend  in  wetland  Burschenschaften  und  Turngemein- 
den,  80. 

4  Haupt,  12. 

—  18  — 


GERMAN  UNITY 

which  Follen  took  a  leading  part.     Concerning  this  struggle 
Pollen's  widow  gives  the  following  account  i1 

"He  was  often  challenged  and  called  upon  to  use  his 
sword  against  these  bullies,  but  he  has  told  me  that  he  never 
used  it  in  a  purely  personal  quarrel.  He  was  skillful  in  the 
use  of  the  weapon  and  was  so  calm  and  collected  that  he 
almost  always  gained  the  victory,  but  never  abused  it.  These 
duels  with  the  broadsword  seldom  endangered  life,  and  at 
that  time  he  thought  himself  justified  in  occasionally  using 
this  means  for  the  defense  of  truth  and  justice.  It  was  one 
of  his  great  purposes  and  of  the  party  of  which  he  was  a 
leader  to  put  a  check  to  this  evil  and  dangerous  custom;  but 
he  thought  had  he  not  the  courage  and  power  to  defend  him 
self  by  force  of  arms,  he  should  not  have  the  same  influence 
with  his  fellow  students  in  urging  other  and  moral  means  for 
the  settlement  of  differences ;  he  could  not  even  have  remained 
in  the  university." 

Concerning  the  aims  of  these  literary  clubs  Follen  him 
self  records  the  following : 2  "They  were  organized  partly 
among  students,  partly  among  other  young  men  for  reciprocal 
exchange  of  views  on  philosophy,  religion,  and  political  sub 
jects,  and  held  together  for  the  most  part  by  the  common 
bond  of  like  ideas, — an  ideal  friendship  whose  simple  sincerity 
and  fervor  is  so  characteristically  German.  The  members  had 
public  opinion  on  their  side  through  their  zeal  for  science  and 
their  strict  morality.  In  their  meetings,  which  often  occurred 
without  any  previous  appointment,  the  most  important  truths 
of  religion,  ethics,  jurisprudence,  politics,  and  especially  of 
scientific  subjects  were  discussed.  The  sad  condition  of  the 
fatherland  without  unity  and  freedom  was  discussed  also,  and 
some  were  of  the  opinion  that  the  ideal  national  life  needed 
above  all  a  unity  of  faith  for  one  Christian  German  Church. 
Others  held  that  the  church  is  a  private  society  in  the  state 
and  believed  that  the  latter  should  have  a  different  form, 
which  according  to  some  should  be  a  limited  monarchy,  ac- 

1  Works,  I,  26. 

2  "Ueber   die   deutschc   Inquisition" — Published   in  Johannes   Wits 
Fragment  e  aus  mcinem  Leben,  III,  Sec.  1,  187. 

—  19  — 


FOLLEN  IN  EUROPE 

cording  to  others  a  republic.  Upon  these  subjects  speeches 
were  made  and  disquisitions  written." 

Unyielding  in  his  determination  to  proceed  with  his  origi 
nal  program,  Follen  continued  his  efforts  to  bring  the  student 
body  into  a  closer  union  with  a  view  to  establishing  a  student 
republic  as  a  model  for  a  larger  national  organization.  In  his 
History1  of  the  Christian  German  Burschenschaft  Follen 
wrote  as  follows  concerning  the  movement  in  Giessen : 
"When  local  divisions  and  an  oppressive  system  of  rank  were 
wasting,  by  angry  collisions,  the  free  powers  of  individuals 
and  of  the  whole  student  body,  there  arose  among  the  students 
of  Giessen  the  idea  of  a  Christian-German  Republic  in  which 
the  omcers  should  be  on  a  complete  level  with  all  the  others, 
where  the  will  of  the  whole,  obtained  by  a  free,  general  dis 
cussion  in  assemblies  open  to  all,  should  rule  in  the  concerns 
of  the  students ;  and  where  in  a  close  union  of  all  their  youth 
ful  powers,  in  their  manners  and  conduct,  and  in  their  public 
sentiment  an  earnest,  patriotic  effort,  a  striving  after  learning, 
physical  culture,  and  freedom  as  citizens  should  be  unfolded. 
Many  students  who  were  spiritually  united  by  the  same  striv 
ing  after  Christian  and  national  progress  went  steadily  onward 
to  the  attainment  of  this  object  in  friendly  union,  held  together 
only  by  a  true  inward  indissoluble  bond  of  conviction." 

Under  the  leadership  of  Follen  the  Blacks  continued 
their  discussions  and  consultations  in  private  throughout  the 
year  1816.  In  a  public  assembly  of  the  student  body  in  the 
autumn  of  that  year  they  offered  a  set  of  resolutions  to  the 
effect  :2  That  all  students  should  be  free  and  equal  among 
themselves  from  the  day  of  entrance  to  the  university  so  long 
as  they  conduct  themselves  honorably;  that  all  associations 
arrogating  to  themselves  any  peculiar  power,  and  opposing 
thereby  the  establishing  of  equality  and  unity  in  the  university, 
should  be  dissolved ;  that  a  code  of  rules  for  the  government 
of  the  students  and  a  court  for  the  settlement  of  all  questions 

1  Quoted  in  part  in  Works,  I,  30—50.     Haupt  and  Pregizer  give 
the  original  title  of  this  history  as  Beitrdge  sur  Geschichte  der  teut- 
schen  Samtschuloi  seit  dem  Freiheitskriege,  1813. 

2  "History  of  the  Giessener  Burschenschaft,"— Works,  I,  40. 

—  20  — 


GERMAN  UNITY 

of  honor  should  be  established ;  that  an  assembly  of  all  Chris 
tian  German  students,  united  in  a  free  student  community, 
should,  as  the  only  justly  authorized  association,  exercise  all 
legislative  and  judicial  functions  in  all  student  affairs;  and 
that  for  the  purpose  of  a  free,  progressive  development  of 
student  life,  a  free  German  Burschen-Commonwealth  should 
be  established  in  each  of  the  German  universities. 

These  propositions  were  greeted  with  shouts  of  approval, 
but  owing  to  the  opposition  of  the  Landsmannschaften  and 
the  hostile  attitude  of  the  university  authorities,  who  regarded 
this  movement  for  liberty  as  dangerous  to  the  established  or 
der,  nothing  was  accomplished.  Undaunted,  however,  in  their 
efforts  for  academic  reform,  the  Blacks  sought  to  establish 
at  least  a  court  of  honor  for  the  adjustment  of  differences 
among  the  students.  After  deliberating  among  themselves 
they  finally  adopted  a  set  of  laws  under  the  title  of  the 
"Ehrenspiegel."  Follen  himself  drafted  most  of  the  statutes 
and  prefaced  them  with  the  following  lines,1  which  indicate 
the  Christian,  republican  spirit  of  the  work: 

Der  Gottheit  Blitzstrahl,  der  aus  finstrer  Wolke 
Aus  dieser  Sturmzeit  herrlich  sich  entziindet, 
Die  Liebe,  die  uns  All'  in  Gott  verbiindet, 
Als  Gottes  Stimm'  in  Menschen,  wie  im  Volke, 
Lebendig  neu  der  Menschheit  Urbild  griindet, 

Die  durch  den  Heiland, 

Die  jetzt  und  weiland 

Uns  durch  so  viel  Blutzeugen  ist  verbiindet, 
Sie  gibt  das  Feuer  uns  zum  kiihnen  Handeln, 
Das  Licht,  um  frei  der  Wahrheit  Bahn  zu  wandeln. 

Among  the  several  principles  set  up  in  the  Ehrenspiegel 
it  was  decreed:2 

"That  the  relation  of  individual  students  to  each  other 
must  be  a  relation  of  unconditional  equality,  without  reference 
to  any  particular  faith,  country,  or  rank  arising  from  age  or 
family  connections. 

1  Ibid.— Works,  I,  50. 

2  Ibid.,— Works,  I,  35ff. 

—  21  — 


POLLEN  IN  EUROPE 

"Honor  ennobles  at  the  university,  but  honor  will  be  ren 
dered  to  everyone  who  is  animated  by  a  pure  zeal  for  a  learned 
and  worthy  education,  by  a  holy  devotion  to  the  faith  and  the 
country  to  which  he,  with  free  conviction,  adheres. 

"There  can  be  no  relation  of  honor  without  a  relation  of 
justice;  consequently  every  duel  is  mischievous  and  sinful  if 
it  is  ascertained  that  there  is  right  on  one  side  and  injustice 
on  the  other,  or  a  misunderstanding  on  both.  But  the  ascer 
taining  of  the  right  requires  a  court,  and  among  students  it 
must  be  a  court  of  arbitration. 

"No  single  department  of  art  or  science  suffices  us,  and 
as  little  can  a  single  mode  of  bodily  exercise.  Only  a  constant 
progress  towards  knowledge  and  truth,  enlarged  by  friendly 
communion,  united  to  a  social,  gymnastic  development  of  all 
bodily  powers,  can  lead  to  a  free  harmony  of  one  being,  in 
parts  as  in  the  whole. 

"Let  the  model  of  a  Christian-German  Burschenschaft 
be  our  perpetual  ideal !  Let  this  elevated  spirit  of  union 
fraternize  the  whole  Burschenschaft  into  one  republic  and 
covenant  of  honor,  which  may  form  itself  independently  in 
each  university,  but  yet  each  one  as  an  image  or  part  of  the 
whole ;  strong  in  united  action,  ruled  by  a  noble  morality, 
springing  from  free  conviction,  and  enlightened  by  public 
sentiment,  which  constitutes  the  conscience  of  this  as  of  every 
other  republic." 

Early  in  1817  the  Ehrenspiegel  was  submitted  to  the  gen 
eral  student  body  publicly  assembled,  but  the  Landsmann- 
schaften  refused  to  take  part  in  the  proceedings.  Thereupon 
about  sixty  of  Pollen's  adherents  pledged  themselves  to  its 
principles,  associating  themselves  thus  into  the  Christian- 
German  Burschenschaft  of  Giessen,  and  invited  all  other  stu 
dents  to  join  them  in  their  public  meetings.  To  this  associa 
tion  Pollen  dedicated  his  stirring  song  of  freedom,  entitled  the 
"Turnstaat,"  l  which  sounds  the  keynote  to  his  program  for 
civic  freedom,  for  the  religious  and  political  unity  of  Ger 
many. 

1  Freye  Stimmen  frischfr  Jug  end — No.  1. 
—  22  — 


GERMAN  UNITY 

In  consequence  of  the  new  organization  a  violent  partisan 
strife  arose.  The  adherents  of  the  Ehrenspiegel  were  forth 
with  excommunicated  from  the  student  body  by  the  L,ands- 
mannschaften,  and  all  sorts  of  calumnies  were  heaped  upon 
them  with  the  object  of  making  them  odious  to  the  authorities. 
They  were  branded  as  Jacobins,  black  bandits,  and  state  trait 
ors,  and  accused  of  revolutionary  designs  against  the  reigning 
sovereigns.  As  a  result  of  these  serious  charges  the  university 
senate  instituted  an  investigation,  seeking  in  every  way  to  dis 
cover  whether  the  Blacks  were  guilty  of  dangerous  political 
activity.  The  two  important  features  of  this  examination  - 
were  the  charges  x  that  Follen  had  sought  to  found  an  aca 
demic  free-state  for  the  training  of  demagogues  and  preachers 
of  freedom,  and  that  the  Ehrenspiegel  was  a  dangerous,  revo 
lutionary  document  because  its  declared  object  was  the  good 
of  the  whole  country  rather  than  that  of  separate  provinces. 
Although  the  charge  against  the  Blacks  of  revolutionary  aims 
had  in  all  probability  some  foundation,  the  latter  were  after 
a  long  examination  declared  innocent,  but  the  senate  decreed 
that  the  Burschenschaft  should  henceforth  be  considered  a 
forbidden  association.  From  this  time  on  the  Giessen  Blacks 
maintained  no  outward  organization,  but  through  the  exertions 
of  Follen  the  inner  bond  of  sympathy,  conviction,  and  com 
mon  ideals  was  cemented  between  them  more  strongly  than 
ever.  In  private  they  continued  their  propaganda  for  union 
and  liberty  in  academic  life. 

THE;   WARTBURG   FESTIVAL. 

From  Giessen  and  Jena  the  Burschenschaft  movement 
spread  rapidly  until  it  had  by  this  time  found  footing  in  six 
teen  different  universities.  Black-red-gold  was  adopted  as  the 
emblem  and  Arndt's  well-known  song,  "Sind  wir  vereint  zur 
guten  Stunde,"  the  hymn  of  the  fraternity.  For  the  twofold 
purpose  of  uniting  the  several  Burschenschaften  into  one  gen 
eral  organization  and  also  of  commemorating  two  great  na 
tional  events,  the  battle  of  Leipzig  and  the  tercentenary  of  the 

1  "History  of  the  Giessen  Burschenschaft" — Works,  I,  47 f. 
—  23  — 


FOLLEN  IN  EUROPE 

Reformation,  plans  were  made  for  a  great  student  festival  at 
the  Wartburg.  This  movement  was  set  on  foot  in  Jena,  but 
according  to  Massmann,  the  historian  of  the  event,  the  idea  of 
the  celebration  originated  among  Pollen's  circle  of  Blacks, 
who  had  entered  into  close  relations  with  the  Jena  Burschen.1 
The  principles  which  the  friends  of  freedom  and  unity  advo 
cated  were  embodied  by  the  Jena  students  in  a  memorial 2 
to  be  presented  at  the  Wartburg  meeting.  This  document 
consisted  of  thirty-five  articles,  of  which  the  following  decla 
rations  were  the  most  pertinent : 

"Germany  is  and  shall  remain  a  unit.  The  more  the 
Germans  are  divided  by  different  states,  the  more  sacred  is  the 
duty  of  every  German  to  strive  for  the  maintenance  of  unity 
and  fatherland.  For  this  ideal  the  heroes  of  1813  fell,  and 
for  this  ideal  all  have  fought  and  will  fight.  With  this  in 
view  do  we  celebrate  the  18th  of  October.  Should  the  Ger 
mans  forget  this  ideal  they  ought  again  to  pass  under  the 
foreign  yoke.  The  doctrine  that  there  is  a  North  and  a  South 
Germany  is  false  and  pernicious  and  has  emanated  from  an 
evil  spirit;  the  distinction  is  merely  geographical.  There  is  a 
North  and  a  South  Germany  just  as  there  is  a  right  and  left 
side  of  a  man ;  but  the  man  is  one  and  has  one  mind  and  one 
heart,  and  Germany  is  one  and  shall  have  one  mind  and  one 
heart.  The  doctrine  that  there  is  a  protestant  and  a  catholic 
Germany  is  false  and  unfortunate  and  has  come  from  an  evil 
enemy.  Whether  protestant  or  catholic,  Germans  are  Germans 
and  belong  to  one  fatherland.  Germans  are  brothers  and  shall 
be  friends;  hence  a  war  between  German  states  would  be  a 
crime.  If  one  German  state  is  attacked  then  all  Germany  is 
attacked.  In  war  against  a  foreign  enemy  all  Germans  must 
unite  for  common  defense;  in  peace  all  must  unite  to  preserve 

1  Haupt,  36.     According  to  Leo,  Meine  Jugendzeit,  151,  the  idea 
came  from  Jahn's  circle  in  Berlin. 

2  Given  in  full  by  Herbst,  Ideale  und  Irrtiimer  des  akademischen 
Lebens,    184-205.     These   principles    were   discussed    at   the   Wartburg 
meeting,  but  the  document  was  not  published  for  several  years  for  fear 
that  it  would  increase  the  suspicion  against  the  Burschenschaft,  which 
had  been  occasioned  by  the  festival. 

—  24  — 


GERMAN  UNITY 

all  that  has  made  Germany  great  and  to  promote  German 
nationality. 

"Freedom  and  equality  is  the  highest  for  which  we  strive 
and  for  which  every  honorable  German  can  never  cease  to 
strive.  But  there  is  no  freedom  and  equality  except  in  and 
through  the  law.  Without  law  there  is  no  freedom,  but  do 
minion,  caprice,  and  despotism ;  without  law  there  is  no  equal 
ity,  but  violence,  subjection,  and  slavery.  L,aws  must  proceed 
from  those,  or  be  acceptable  to  those,  who  must  live  under 
them.  Through  the  formation  of  the  German  Confederation 
the  princes  have  recognized  that  every  state  is  a  part  of  Ger 
many,  and  that  as  a  part  must  be  subservient  to  the  whole. 
But  they  have  also  recognized  that  the  law  and  freedom  shall 
not  vanish  before  their  sovereignty.  The  13th  article  of  the 
Acts  of  Confederation  contains  the  solemn  promise  that  cap 
rice  shall  not  rule  in  any  German  state.  At  present  the  Ger 
mans  have  no  greater  duty  than  to  speak  the  truth,  and  so 
loud  that  it  shall  reach  the  ears  of  their  rulers.  This  is  in 
cumbent  until  the  13th  article  shall  go  into  effect.  Free 
speech  shall  not  be  denied.  Therefore  do  we  resolve : 

"To  be  true  to  these  principles  and  propagate  them;  to 
be  true  to  science,  especially  to  those  sciences  which  concern 
the  national  life,  such  as  ethics,  politics,  and  history;  to  pre 
vent  the  division  of  the  nation  into  factions  at  the  universities ; 
to  settle  all  differences  without  resorting  to  duels;  to  promote 
gymnastics  because  this  makes  men  strong  for  the  defense  of 
the  fatherland;  to  call  no  section  but  Germany  alone  our  fa 
therland;  to  shun  all  that  is  foreign." 

Follen  had,  of  course,  no  part  in  the  drafting  of  this 
memorial,  but  the  principles  involved  were  the  same  as  those 
which  were  being  instilled  into  the  hearts  and  minds  of  the 
academic  youth  throughout  Germany,  due  in  large  measure  to 
his  influence  as  leader  of  the  Giessen  movement;  hence  this 
brief  allusion  to  the  Wartburg  meeting  seems  pertinent  to  the 
general  discussion. 

On  the  appointed  day  over  four  hundred  students  from 
twelve  universities  assembled  on  the  market  place  in  Eisenach 
and  then  formed  a  line  of  march  to  the  Wartburg  where,  in 

—  25  — 


FOLLEN  IN  EUROPE 

the  great  Rittersaal,  the  exercises  were  held.  After  singing 
"Ein'  feste  Burg  ist  unser  Gott"  one  of  the  Jena  Burschen- 
schafter,  who  had  won  the  iron-cross  at  Waterloo,  made  the 
main  address,  eulogizing  the  great  deeds  of  Luther  and 
Bliicher,  and  exhorting  his  comrades  through  memory  of  the 
past  to  dedicate  themselves  to  the  holy  cause  of  freedom  and 
union.  After  the  banquet,  in  which  toasts  were  proposed  in 
honor  of  Luther,  the  Grand  Duke  of  Weimar,  and  the  heroes 
of  the  war,  the  Burschen  attended  divine  services  in  a  body 
and  then  betook  themselves  in  torchlight  procession  to  the  top 
of  the  Wartenberg  where  in  a  glare  of  bonfires  the  day  closed 
with  patriotic  speeches  and  songs.  Unfortunately,  however, 
some  of  the  more  ardent  spirits  thought  the  occasion  fitting 
for  a  demonstration,  half  serious,  half  farcical,  against  the 
reactionary  tendency  of  the  German  governments.  After  the 
final  proceedings  several  unpopular  reactionary  writings4  were 
committed  to  the  flames  in  imitation  of  Luther's  burning  of 
the  papal  bull.  This  was  merely  a  harmless,  juvenile  escapade 
without  premeditated  malice,  but  the  effect  it  produced  upon 
the  country  was  out  of  all  proportion  to  its  insignificance  as 
we  shall  presently  see.  The  second  day  was  devoted  to  the 
discussion  of  the  Burschenschaft  organization.  In  these  de 
liberations  there  arose  again  a  sharp  clash  between  the  mem 
bers  of  the  Burschenschaften  and  Landsmannschaften,  espe 
cially  between  the  delegates  of  the  two  Giessen  organizations. 
These  differences  were  finally  settled,  all  parties  agreeing  to 
the  establishment  of  a  general  Burschenschaft. 

Pollen  himself  was  unable  to  attend  the  festival,  but  with 
a  few  friends  commemorated  the  event  by  partaking  of  the 
Lord's  Supper,  pledging  themselves  anew  in  this  solemn  way 
to  a  life  of  self-sacrificing  devotion  to  the  welfare  of  the 
country. 

The  Wartburg  festival  was  the  first  great  national  demon 
stration  against  the  weakness  of  the  German  Confederation 
and  the  first  public  expression  of  the  necessity  of  a  change  in 

1  According  to  Wesselhoft,  16,  and  Leo,  102,  the  works  themselves 
were  not  burned,  but  a  number  of  old  books  provided  by  Massmann 
and  his  friends. 

—  26  — 


GERMAN  UNITY 

political  affairs.  It  has  become  a  famous  historical  episode 
not  because  of  anything  culpable  in  the  enthusiastic  boyish 
proceedings,  but  because  of  the  effect  that  the  spirit  of  the 
affair  had  upon  the  sovereigns  of  Europe.  In  some  of  the 
speeches  it  had  indeed  been  declared  that  the  rulers  had  not 
kept  their  promises  to  the  people,  but  with  the  exception  of 
the  unfortunate  act  which  marred  the  close  of  the  first  festal 
day  the  whole  official  program  was  carried  out  with  dignity 
and  moderation.  On  receipt  of  greatly  exaggerated  reports 
of  what  had  occurred  the  Austrian  and  Prussian  governments 
condemned  the  liberalism  of  the  Grand  Duke  of  Weimar  and 
sent  envoys  to  the  "big  Bursche,"  who  after  an  investigation 
failed  to  find  that  the  students  had  committed  any  grave 
offense.  There  was  a  current  report  that  the  Acts  of  Confed 
eration  of  the  German  states  were  among  the  books  supposed 
to  have  been  burned,  and  in  this  Metternich  saw  a  wide-spread 
conspiracy.  The  King  of  Prussia,  too,  became  so  alarmed  that 
he  ordered  all  clubs  and  associations  in  the  Prussian  univer 
sities  to  be  dissolved  and  threatened  to  close  these  institutions 
rather  than  allow  them  to  become  centers  of  revolutionary 
intrigue. 

In  spite  of  this  reactionary  attitude  the  deliberations 
begun  at  the  Wartburg  were  continued  the  following  year  in 
two  conventions  at  Jena,  resulting  in  the  establishment  of  the 
"Allgemeine  deutsche  Burschenschaft."  The  purpose  of  this 
organization  was,  in  a  word,  the  unity,  liberty,  and  equality,  of 
all  German  students  as  the  first  step  to  the  unity  of  the  German 
people,  and  the  Christian  German  cultivation  of  every  physi 
cal  and  spiritual  power  for  the  service  of  the  fatherland.  In 
tranquility,  order,  and  respect  for  law  student  life  began  to 
show  a  marked  improvement  under  the  influence  of  this  new 
order  of  things.1  The  picture  of  an  ordinary  Burschen  meet 
ing  in  Jena,  as  sketched  by  the  Scotch  traveler,  John  Russell,2 
shows  a  spirit  which  was  typical  of  the  Burschenschaft  in  all 
the  other  universities :  "Every  man,  with  his  bonnet  on  his 

1  Rechtlieb  Zeitgeist,  Demagogische  Umtriebe,  II,  539. 

2  A  Tour  in  Germany,  I,  111. 

—  27  — 


FOLLEN  IN  EUROPE 

head,  a  pot  of  beer  in  his  hand,  a  pipe  or  segar  in  his  month, 
and  a  song  on  his  lips,  never  doubting  but  that  he  and  his 
companions  are  training  themselves  to  be  regenerators  of 
Europe,  that  they  are  the  true  representatives  of  the  manliness 
and  independence  of  the  German  character,  and  the  only 
models  of  a  free,  generous,  and  high-minded  youth.  They  lay 
their  hands  upon  their  jugs  and  vow  the  liberation  of  Ger 
many;  they  stop  a  second  pipe  or  light  a  second  segar  and 
swear  that  the  Holy  Alliance  is  an  unclean  thing." 

The  Burschenschaft  not  only  served  to  restore  and  propa 
gate  the  patriotic  spirit,  but  became  a  symbol  of  the  dignity 
and  import  of  national  life.  This  was  an  important  step  in 
raising  the  barriers  of  particularism,  which  had  kept  the  Ger 
mans  separated  and  had  stood  in  the  way  of  national  develop 
ment.  Through  the  Burschenschaft  the  academic  youth  had 
before  their  eyes,  on  a  small  scale,  the  image  of  a  larger 
national  life ;  through  it  they  began  to  take  an  interest  in  poli 
tical  problems  and  to  prepare  themselves  thereby  for  the  fu 
ture  political  tasks  of  patriotic  German  citizens.  Through  this 
study  they  gained  a  larger  conception  of  nationality  and  came 
to  realize  more  fully  that  only  by  united  action  and  consecra 
tion  to  common  ideals  could  Teutonic  civilization  endure.  Al 
though  the  movement  did  not  lead  to  any  direct  results  the 
training  which  it  had  given  in  science  and  politics  was  not 
lost,  for  theoretically  it  had  solved  the  problem.  When  these 
young  patriots  saw  that  national  unity  could  not  be  attained 
at  once  they  turned  to  the  second  part  of  their  program,  the 
establishment  of  constitutional  freedom  in  the  individual 
states  as  a  means  to  the  ultimate  goal  of  their  political  ideal. 
Foremost  in  this  movement  for  constitutional  government  was 
Karl  Follen.  The  impressions  which  this  struggle  made  upon 
the  minds  of  these  young  men  and  the  experience  which  it 
gave  them  remained  with  them  for  life;  hence  the  Burschen 
schaft  may  be  considered  as  a  nursery  in  which  were  reared 
the  leaders  of  the  liberal  movement  of  1848,  and  in  which  was 
fostered  the  spirit  that  was  absolutely  necessary  to  make  pos 
sible  the  establishment  of  the  German  Empire. 

-  28  - 


GERMAN  UNITY 
HIS   REPUBLICANISM. 

As  a  child  Follen  already  displayed  an  intensely  religious 
nature,  a  great  reverence  for  the  character  of  Christ,  and  a 
highly  developed  will  to  moral  action.  These  characteristics 
not  only  account  for  his  youthful  Utopian  scheme  for  the 
reformation  of  society,  but  form  the  psychological  basis  of  his 
mature  political  views. 

As  already  indicated,  he  had  become  interested  in  poli 
tical  questions  prior  to  1815,  but  not  until  after  the  Congress 
of  Vienna  did  he  enter  the  arena  of  political  activity.  This 
step  was  due  in  part  to  the  failure  of  the  German  rulers  to 
redeem  their  promise  of  constitutional  government,  and  partly 
to  the  teachings  of  Gottlieb  Welcker,  whom  the  reactionary 
policy  of  the  Metternich  regime  had  driven  into  the  ranks  of 
the  Republicans.  As  an  instructor  Welcker  was  very  popular 
with  the  Giessen  students,  and  at  the  request  of  the  Blacks 
delivered  a  series  of  lectures  on  the  great  questions  of  the  day 
during  the  winter  of  1815-'16.  His  discussion  of  religion, 
morality,  education,  and  public  opinion  were  similar  in  their 
tendency  to  Fichte's  Addresses  and  made  a  deep  impression 
upon  the  members  of  Follen's  circle.1  He  demanded  constitu 
tional  government  and  declared  that  the  social  structure  of 
Europe  rested  upon  the  estates,  that  the  mystical  idea  of 
princely  power  was  baneful  in  its  effects,  and  that  a  neglect 
of  duty  on  the  part  of  the  rulers  would  turn  the  nation  toward 
republicanism. 

That  Follen  was  from  this  time  growing  dissatisfied  with 
monarchic  government  and  drifting  rapidly  toward  republican 
ism  is  evident  first  of  all  by  his  effort  to  reorganize  student 
life  along  democratic  lines,  upon  the  basis  of  freedom  and 
equality.  In  his  patriotic  and  revolutionary  poetry,  especially 
in  the  "Great  Song/'  he  brands  the  rulers  as  tyrants,  traitors, 
and  priests  of  Moloch,  complains  bitterly  of  the  oppression  of 
the  people,  and  appeals  to  the  latter  to  rise  in  their  might 
against  their  oppressors  and  to  organize  a  free-state.  In  his 

i  Haupt,  18. 

—  29  — 


POLLEN  IN  EUROPE 

political  essays,1  "Ueber  die  deutsche  Inquisition"  and  "Ueber 
die  revolutionare  Stimmung  Deutschlands,"  he  turns  from  his 
invective  against  individuals  to  the  monarchic  form  of  govern 
ment  itself  as  the  evil  to  be  opposed.  He  declares  that  the 
tyranny  within  is  more  odious  than  foreign  domination,  that 
instead  of  German  unity  there  is  only  national  dismember 
ment,  instead  of  freedom  only  oppression  and  burdens,  "sup 
pression  of  intellectual  freedom,  embargoes  on  commerce, 
tolls,  oppressive  taxation,  standing  armies,  high-handed  justice, 
suppression  of  the  freedom  of  the  press,  and  capricious  meas 
ures  of  all  sorts."  ;  He  criticizes  the  Confederation  because 
"without  the  cooperation  of  the  people  it  put  the  supreme 
authority  in  the  hands  of  an  assembly  of  princely  delegates, 
who  are  bound  by  the  instructions  of  their  governments, 
whereby  the  sovereigns  of  the  several  states  as  such  are 
strengthened."  3  He  objects  to  a  government  in  which  "the 
executive  power  assumes  also  the  legislative  and  judicial  func 
tions,"4  and  denounces  monarchism,  "which  like  an  evil  worm 
is  gnawing  at  every  branch  of  political  and  civil  life."  5  He 
further  declares  that  "Germany  has  reached  a  state  of  civiliza 
tion  in  which  the  history  of  the  people  is  no  longer  identical 
with  that  of  the  governments;  the  decrees  of  the  latter,  even 
when  made  in  opposition  to  public  opinion,  have  no  signifi 
cance  unless  they  are  determined  by  it  since  real  political  self- 
activity  exists  only  in  the  people."  6  And  finally  he  states  his 
position  clearly  when  he  says:  "The  different  rulers  have 
combined  to  uphold  the  monarchic  principle  and  have  thereby 
challenged  all  those  who  have  hitherto  sought  a  constitutional 
monarchy  not  to  meet  them  half  way,  but  to  set  principle  over 

1  Written  in  1819 ;  extant  in  Wit's  Fragmente,  III,  Sec.  1,  174-200. 

2  Wit's  Fragmente,  III,  Sec.  1,  197. 

3  Ibid.,  198. 

4  Ibid,  192. 

5  Ibid.,  182. 

6  Ibid.,  194. 

—  30  - 


GERMAN  UNITY 

against  principle,  that  is,  to  substitute  republicanism  for  mon- 
archism."  1 

Pollen's  theories  concerning  the  nature  of  the  state  were 
based  upon  the  axiom  of  the  French  Revolution,  that  all  men 
are  free  and  equal.  To  the  writings  of  Rousseau  and  espe 
cially  of  Fichte  was  due  to  a  great  extent  his  conversion  to 
the  principles  of  republican  government.  The  main  doctrines 
of  these  two  writers  concerning  the  nature  of  the  civil  state 
may,  therefore,  be  briefly  summed  up  as  follows : 

Rousseau,2  it  will  be  remembered  believed  that  men  en 
joyed  complete  liberty  and  equality  in  the  state  of  nature, 
which  he  considered  as  the  golden  age  of  mankind,  and  that 
the  transition  from  the  natural  to  the  civil  state  was  made  by 
a  social  contract,  entered  into  by  individuals,  who  ceded  their 
natural  rights  to  a  sovereign  in  return  for  certain  civil  rights. 
In  the  state  of  nature  each  individual  was  a  sovereign  in  his 
own  right,  while  the  sovereignty  resulting'  from  the  social  con 
tract  is  synonymous  with  the  general  will.  Since  sovereignty 
is,  therefore,  composed  of  the  people  as  a  whole  it  is  absolute, 
inalienable,  indivisible,  and  the  source  of  all  law.  Rulers  are 
merely  agents  without  independent  authority,  chosen  only  to 
execute  the  general  will. 

In  his  early  political  writings 3  Fichte  expressed  the 
warmest  enthusiasm  for  the  French  Revolution,  admitting 
thereby  his  inclination  toward  republican  principles.  Rous 
seau  accepts  the  original  contracts  as  the  basis  of  civil  rights 
as  a  historical  fact,  while  Fichte  considers  it  merely  as  a  theo 
retical  foundation  for  civic  association.  According  to  Fichte's 
doctrine  man  has  in  the  political  state  two  kinds  of  rights, 
alienable  and  inalienable.  The  former  have  reference  to  modes 
of  action  which  are  permitted,  but  not  enjoined,  by  the  moral 
law.  The  most  comprehensive  of  the  latter  is  that  of  ethical 

1  Ibid.,  199f . 

2  Cf .  Social  Contract,  Bk.  I,  Chap.  6. 

3  These  were  two  anonymous  tracts :    Zitruckfordenmg  der  Denk- 
freiheit  von  den  Fursten  Buropas  and  Beitrdge  zur  Berichtigung  der 
Urtheile  des  Publikums  uber  die  fransosische  Revolution — published  in 
1799.    Samtliche  Werke,  VI. 

31  


FOLLEN  IN  EUROPE 

freedom,  including  the  right  to  free  expression  of  opinion  and 
to  free  communication  of  thought,  for  without  such  freedom 
no  spiritual  development  is  possible.  The  right  to  develop 
toward  perfection,  toward  moral  freedom,  is  then  according 
to  Fichte  the  fundamental  principle  upon  which  the  state  is 
founded.  In  substance  this  is  a  statement  of  the  Social  Con 
tract  in  terms  of  Kant's  ethical  system.  As  Fichte  viewed  it, 
the  state  is  an  instrument  for  protecting  and  regulating  man's 
right  to  property  and  to  the  free  development  of  his  moral 
nature. 

With  the  exception  of  Rousseau,  who  looked  into  the 
past  for  the  golden  age  of  mankind,  the  dominant  belief  of 
thinking  men  in  the  last  half  of  the  18th  century  was  an  abid 
ing  faith  in  the  possibility  of  unlimited  human  progress. 
Follen  seems  to  have  accepted  both  views :  With  Rousseau  he 
saw  a  state  of  human  perfection  in  the  past,  but  regarded  the 
age  in  which  he  lived  as  utterly  bad,  and  with  Fichte  his  high 
est  aim  was  to  realize  an  ideal  state  of  man  in  the  future.  In 
the  past  he  saw  human  perfection  embodied  in  Christ  and  set 
up  this  ideal  as  a  model  for  the  future,  maintaining  with  Fichte 
that  civic  organization  is  for  no  other  purpose  than  to  aid 
humanity  to  develop  toward  a  perfect  life.  "On  the  battle 
field  of  Leipzig,"  he  writes,1  "there  awoke  a  spirit  which 
strives  and  will  strive  until  all  is  accomplished,  till  in  the  people 
the  ideal  of  humanity  is  glorified."  With  Rousseau  he  main 
tains  that  men  are  born  free  and  equal,  with  certain  inalienable 
rights;  with  Fichte  that  the  destiny  of  man  is  free  develop 
ment  toward  divine  perfection.  It  is  these  general  principles 
that  lie  at  the  foundation  of  his  political  ideas. 

The  theories  which  Follen  formulated  at  this  time  con 
cerning  the  civil  state  were  in  later  years  embodied  in  his 
lectures  on  moral  philosophy,2  and  from  this  source  his  whole 

1  The  Giessen  Burschenschaft— Works,  I,  30. 

2  Works,  III,  Chap.  14.     In  his  Politische  Ideen  des  Karl  Follen 
Pregizer  seems  not  to  have  used  this  source,  but  instead  relies  on  the 
political  essay  in  Wit's  Fragmcnte,  III,  Sec.  1,  331-344,  which  he  atrib- 
utes  to  Follen.     In  Fragmente,  III,  Sec.  1,  p.  207,  Wit  claims  to  be  the 
author  of  this  essay,  which  purports  to  be  an  exposition  of  the  political 
creed  of  Pollen's  Blacks.    The  fact  that  some  of  the  statements  in  the 

—  32  — 


GERMAN  UNITY 

course  of  reasoning  can  be  traced  more  in  detail.  According 
to  his  views  every  human  being  possesses  by  nature  personal 
rights,  which  constitute  him  the  absolute  master  of  his  own 
faculties  of  body  and  mind;  the  right  to  property;  and  social 
rights,  which  entitle  him  to  enter  into  all  kinds  of  relations 
with  his  fellow  men.  Only  through  the  free  exercise  of  these 
rights,  he  maintains,  and  by  a  thorough  system  of  education 
can  mankind  develop  toward  infinite  perfection.  In  order  to 
develop  freely  it  is  necessary  for  every  individual  to  conduct 
himself  in  a  manner  conducive  to  his  own  welfare  and  to  that 
of  others.  But  who  is  to  formulate  correct  rules  of  civic 
conduct?  It  is  evident,  Follen  replies,  that  since  there  is  no 
exterior  standard  of  truth  and  right ;  since  there  is  no  certainty 
that  one  person's  opinion  is  better  than  that  of  his  neighbor, 
men  must  come  to  this  conclusion  whenever  their  opinions 
disagree  as  to  what  is  right  and  what  are  the  most  effective 
means  of  carrying  it  out,  that  many  eyes  generally  see  better 
and  many  arms  hold  faster  than  two.  Who  then  shall  be  the 
rulers?  The  wealthiest,  the  wisest  and  best,  or  those  who 
decend  from  certain  families?  It  is  self-evident  that  wisdom 
and  goodness  cannot  be  bought,  nor  is  it  certain  that  they  are 
inherited ;  and  as  to  the  wisest  and  best,  the  question  remains 
undecided  who  they  are.  Consequently  the  only  measure  of 
right  which  remains  is  the  majority  of  opinions,  a  fallible 
standard,  it  is  true,  but  the  highest  to  be  obtained.  The  major 
ity  have,  therefore,  according  to  Follen,  a  natural  right  to 
establish  and  enforce  their  views  as  a  law  over  all,  chiefly  for 
two  reasons :  In  the  first  place,  whenever  there  is  no  standard 
of  truth  that  of  probability  must  decide,  and  according  to  this 
principle  that  opinion  of  right  which  satisfies  most  minds  must 
be  presumed  to  be  the  most  correct  view  obtainable  at  the  time. 
In  the  second  place,  in  order  to  make  a  minority  rule  over  a 
majority  the  equality  of  rights  must  be  violated  by  giving  to 
certain  individuals,  singled  out  in  some  way  or  other,  greater 
freedom  than  the  rest,  whereas  every  individual  may  at  any 


essay  are  identical  with  those  in  the  lectures  on  moral  philosophy  shows 
plainly  that  it  contains  many  of  Pollen's  ideas  even  if  it  was  not  writ 
ten  by  him. 


FOLLEN  IN  EUROPE 

time  be  in  the  majority  without  any  special  distinction.  The 
main  object  of  the  state  is  then,  according  to  Pollen's  view, 
the  establishment  of  justice;  and  the  principle  means  of  real 
izing  this  purpose  consists  in  a  common  legislation,  by  which 
the  community  declares  what  it  considers  the  right  rule  of 
conduct,  and  a  common  administration,  by  which  the  decrees 
of  the  legislature  are  carried  into  effect.  In  the  execution  of 
these  decrees  force  may  be  used  only  to  compel  the  individual 
to  do  that  which  is  necessary  to  the  general  welfare  and  to 
restrain  him  from  doing  that  which  is  injurious  to  his  fellow 
men. 

It  must  not  be  supposed,  Pollen  argues,  that  any  one  gives 
up  his  natural  rights  in  becoming  a  member  of  the  civil  asso 
ciation,  for  if  this  were  possible  there  is  no  one  to  whom  he 
could  resign  them.  He  denies  also  the  assertion  of  those 
who  claim  that  the  state  itself,  or  the  government,  is  a  person 
ality  distinct  from  the  individuals  who  are  its  subjects.  Such 
personalities  exist  only  in  the  imagination  of  certain  priests 
of  the  law,  who  have  peopled  the  civil  world  with  a  host  of 
fabulous  characters.  What  then  is  the  state?  It  is  an  asso 
ciation  of  men,  he  replies,  for  no  other  purpose  than  to  ex 
ercise  their  natural  rights  more  fully  and  securely  in  common 
than  each  of  them  could  do  by  himself;  to  unite  their  intel 
lectual  powers  in  order  to  ascertain  that  which  is  right,  and 
their  physical  strength  to  carry  this  into  effect.  "A  common 
wealth,  a  republic,"  he  explains,  "is  the  only  state  worthy  of 
man — not  because  it  makes  him  better  or  happier,  but  because 
it  is  the  most  responsible  condition  of  man  in  society  and 
consequently  most  truly  a  moral  state,  in  which  every  action, 
good  or  bad,  must  be  ascribed  to  the  whole  people."1 

Like  Fichte  Pollen,  too,  believed  that  the  second  function 
of  the  state  is  the  establishment  of  a  thorough  system  of  educa 
tion  to  unfold  and  strengthen  and  refine  the  faculties  of  men ; 

1  Works,  III,  282.  Pollen  seems  to  have  in  mind  the  ideal  state 
described  by  Schiller  in  his  Aesthetic  Letters.  According  to  Schiller 
the  ideal  state  is  the  reflex  of  the  united  characters  of  its  citizens ; 
citizens  whose  characters  are  formed  in  accordance  with  the  new  ethi 
cal  standards  set  up  by  Kant. 

—  34  — 


GERMAN  UNITY 

to  aid  them  in  the  onward  march  toward  perfection.1  "Domes 
tic  and  public  education,"  he  says,  "are  the  two  great  elements 
which  must  operate  in  the  development  of  man.  Without 
domestic  education  man  becomes  a  creature  of  the  state,  as  in 
Sparta ;  whereas  the  state  was  made  for  man,  and  not  man  for 
the  state.  Without  public  education  man  hardly  ever  rises 
afiove  the  finite  circle  of  knowledge  and  virtue,  or  the  settled 
prejudices  and  selfish  designs  of  his  own  family.  He  indeed 
loses  his  highest  domestic  privileges, — which  is  to  think  and 
feel  and  act  as  one  of  the  great  family  of  men."  2  The  state 
has  other  important  functions  also,  he  adds,  such  as  the  pro 
motion  of  religion,  science,  art,  and  commerce,  but  it  should 
not  engage  in  any  of  these  pursuits. 

From  the  foregoing  it  is  evident  that  Follen  was  thor 
oughly  imbued  with  the  principles  of  democracy.  The  reac 
tionary  attitude  of  the  German  rulers  caused  him  to  repudiate 
monarchism  completely  and  to  demand  a  republican  form  of 
government  based  upon  the  principles  of  the  freedom  and 
equality  of  all.  The  main  function  of  the  state,  as  he  con 
ceives  it,  is  to  protect  the  liberty  of  all  against  the  caprices  of 
the  individual,  whereas  in  a  monarchic  form  of  society  the 
will  of  the  people  is  subservient  to  the  caprice  of  the  rulers.8 
This  contradiction,  he  believed,  not  only  justified  but  also  de 
manded  a  revolution. 

As  indicated  at  the  outset,  Pollen's  republicanism  was  in 
a  large  measure  due  to  his  Christian  faith,  to  his  belief  in 
human  equality  and  in  the  dignity  and  immortality  of  the 

1  In  his  Addresses  Fichte  developed  two  general  lines  of  thought : 
first,  he  discusses  that  element  of  German  character  which  was  to  form 
the  basis  of  the  new  national  state ;  second,  the  means  through  which 
this  was  to  be  attained.    In  the  original  character,  plasticity,  and  pictorial 
power  of  its  language ;  in  its  philosophical  and  poetic  bent  of  mind ; 
in  its  religious  depths  and  warmth ;  as  well  as  in  its  pure  unmixed  blood 
the  Teutonic  race  bears,  according  to  his  view,  the  stamp  of  genius ; 
and  in  this  free,  original  German  spirit  lies  the  possibility  of  a  noble 
ethical  life  if  it  is  left  free  to  develop  and  is  promoted  by  the  new 
Pestalozzian  system  of  education  and  by  a  union  of  all  individuals  in 
the  service  of  one  common  end. 

2  Works,  III,  291. 

3  Wit's  Fragmente,  III,  Sec.  1,  207. 

-  35  - 


POLLEN  IN  EUROPE 

human  soul.  "If  men  believed  in  the  immortality  of  their 
souls,"  he  declares,1  "there  would  be  no  slavery  in  this  world, 
for  all  unjust  pretensions  and  cruel  distinctions  among  men, 
every  proud  elevation  and  servile  humiliation,  must  fall  before 
the  acknowledged  equality  of  immortal  spirits."  The  life  and 
teachings  of  Christ  were  his  standard  and  guide  in  politics  and 
government.  These  principles  were  with  him  a  living  reality ; 
he  never  wavered  from  them  nor  neglected  any  opportunity  to 
advocate  and  to  promote  them. 

From  his  Addresses  to  the  German  Nation  it  is  evident 
that  Fichte  desired  national  unity  in  a  republican  form  of 
government  ;2  but  after  all  it  was  spiritual  rather  than  political 
unity  that  seemed  to  him  of  the  most  value.  Spiritual  unity 
for  moral  development,  he  believed,  would  lead  to  perfect 
democracy,  and  the  government  best  adapted  to  attain  this 
end,  whether  republic  or  monarchy,  should  be  adopted.3  Like 
Fichte  Follen,  too,  considered  the  state  as  an  organization  for 
realizing  the  moral  end  of  humanity, — a  state  of  society  ruled 
by  brotherly  love  and  held  together  in  Christian  unity.  Like 
Fichte  Follen  believed  that  the  ideal  was  to  be  realized  by  the 
German  people  through  the  German  state,  and  in  this  he  was 
thoroughly  patriotic;  but  his  patriotism  like  that4  of  Fichte 
was  strongly  cosmopolitan,  for  like  him  he  was  an  idealist  and 
his  thinking  tended  toward  the  universal.  But  unlike  Fichte 
Follen  demanded  for  the  attainment  of  this  end  a  political 
national  unity  under  republican  government  and  set  himself 
to  the  task  of  realizing  this  demand.  Fichte  speaks  of  the  dis 
advantages5  of  a  politically  divided  Germany  and  admits  also 
that  the  totality  of  German  life  is  enriched  by  the  provincial 

1  Pollen's  Sermons,  Works,  II,  6f. 

2  Cf .  Ninth  Address.    In  the  Sixth  Address  Fichte  states  expressly 
that  Germany  is  the  only  modern  European  nation  that  has  proved  it 
self  worthy  of  realizing  republican  government. 

3  Meinecke,  IVeltbiirgertum  und  Nationalstaat,  lllf. 

4  Ibid.,  92f. 

5  Cf.  Ninth  and  Eleventh  Addresses. 

-  36  - 


GERMAN  UNITY 

culture  peculiar  to  each  state,1  but  he  demands  only  a  national 
spirit  rather  than  a  national  state.  Pollen  on  the  other  hand 
was  convinced  that  the  greatest  hindrance  to  the  progressive 
development  of  the  Teutonic  race  was  provincial  patriotism 
and  the  spirit  of  particularism,  and  believed  this  obstacle  could 
be  removed  only  by  the  subversion  of  the  various  monarchic 
states  and  by  uniting  the  people  under  one  allegiance  in  a  Ger 
man  republic. 

As  a  preliminary  step  to  this  end  the  Pollen  brothers  and 
their  circle  of  political  friends  outlined  during  the  winter  of 
181 7-' 18  a  plan  for  a  national  constitution  based  upon  repub 
lican  principles ;  it  consisted  of  34  articles2  and  was  in  a  gen 
eral  way  modeled  after  that  of  the  French  republic.  That  the 
attainment  of  German  unity  is  the  object  in  view  is  evident 
from  the  first  three  articles,  which  read  as  follows: 

"Germans  are  one  people,  that  is,  men  of  like  mental  and 
physical  make-up ;  in  addition  to  that,  of  similar  language,  his 
torical  traditions,  and  religious  faith;  to  the  Germans  belong: 
the  Swiss,  Alsatians,  Priesians,  etc. 

"In  addition  to  this  complete  similarity  of  the  Germans 
are  subordinate  social  differences :  specific  physical  and  mental 
traits  and  developments,  such  as  dialects,  tribal  history,  etc. 
For  the  preservation  and  progressive  development  of  these 
national  characteristics  the  various  branches  of  the  race  are 
closely  united  forever  into  one  whole :  the  German  Empire. 
For  the  preservation  and  development  of  these  differences, 
which  are  nurtured  merely  as  an  aid  to  unity,  the  country 
shall  be  divided  into  imperial  provinces.3 

"The  empire  is  to  be  a  union  of  all  Germans  so  that  in  it 
and  through  it  the  progressive  development  of  humanity  shall 

1  Cf .  Ninth  Address. 

2  Given  in  full  by  Jarcke,  Carl  Ludurig  Sand  und  sein  an  Kotsebue 
verubter  Mord,  88ff. 

3  Believing  that  a  greater  leveling  should  take  place  Pollen  intro 
duced  here  a  radical  amendment:    "After  further  deliberations  the  em 
pire  shall  be  divided  into  districts  without  any  regard  to  racial  lines; 
these  shall  be  done  away  with  and  the  divisions  made  according  to 
population  and  natural  boundaries  in  order  to  simplify  the  administra 
tion  of  the  government." 

—  37  — 


POLLEN  IN  EUROPE 

be  realized,  for  Germans  see  in  their  nation  their  human  ideal, 
in  their  fatherland  their  whole  world." 

This  new  free-state  which  Follen  hoped  to  establish  was 
to  be,  according  to  this  constitution,  Christian  in  character; 
was  to  realize  national  unity  and  cultivate  German  individual 
ity.  All  power  was  to  be  placed  in  the  hands  of  the  people, 
with  equal  suffrage  and  majority  rule.  The  state  was  to  be 
divided  into  districts  containing  approximately  an  equal  num 
ber  of  people  and  named  after  mountains,  rivers,  and  great 
national  events.  This  was  intended  to  promote  a  closer 
national  unity  than  divisions  on  lines  according  to  Prussians, 
Saxons,  Hessians,  etc.  The  capitol  was  to  be  located  in  the 
center  of  the  state  and  called  "Aller  Deutschen."  The  legis 
lature  was  to  consist  of  representatives  chosen  from  the  sev 
eral  districts,  and  these  officials  were  to  choose  from  their 
number  a  chairman,  who  should  receive  no  special  rank,  title, 
or  salary.  All  government  officials  were  to  receive  equal  com 
pensation  and  to  hold  office  simply  as  representatives  of  the 
sovereign  people.  Especial  emphasis  was  to  be  laid  upon  the 
regulation  of  religion  and  education.  There  was  to  be  only 
one  German  church  with  no  other  confession  of  faith  than  the 
teachings  of  Christ.  The  schools  were  to  give  special  atten 
tion  to  agriculture  and  vocational  training. 

HIS    REVOLUTIONARY   AIMS. 

After  the  disbanding  of  the  Giessen  Burschenschaft  in 
the  summer  of  1817  Pollen's  enthusiatic  Teutonism  developed 
rapidly  into  extreme  political  radicalism ;  and  as  the  reaction 
ary  policy  of  the  German  rulers  increased  in  severity  after  the 
Wartburg  affair  his  cherished  plans  of  political  reform  by 
peaceful,  educational  means  seemed  to  be  doomed,  but  with 
great  tenacity  of  purpose  he  continued  his  propaganda  on  the 
athletic  field  and  in  private  meetings,  unfolding  to  his  faithful 
Blacks  his  plans  of  action. 

Believing  that  monarchic  government  not  only  was  dwarf 
ing  the  life  of  the  individual  but  would  also  prevent  the  Ger 
man  nation  from  realizing  its  high  destiny  he  proposed,  there- 

-  38  — 


GERMAN  UNITY 

fore,  to  remedy  this  intolerable  condition  of  German  life  by 
founding  a  Christian-German  republic.  With  Rousseau  he 
held  that  when  a  ruler  usurps  power  to  oppress  the  sovereign 
people  the  social  contract  is  broken.  This  doctrine  of  popu 
lar  sovereignty  and  of  government  by  assent  contained  at  once 
the  condition  and  justification  of  a  political  revolution.  Like 
Fichte  he  held  that  the  state  is  founded  upon  the  inherent 
right  to  moral  development ;  but  since  the  conditions  necessary 
to  this  are  constantly  changing  it  follows  that  the  original  con 
tract  cannot  be  final,  that  constitutional  forms  must  therefore 
be  changed;  hence  the  right  to  state  reform,  to  revolution. 
His  political  writings  abound  in  this  doctrine,  typical  of  which 
is  the  following  statement  attributed  to  him  by  Wit:1  "The 
state  commits  treason  when  it  acts  contrary  to  its  fundamental 
purpose,  when  it  no  longer  protects  the  general  freedom  of  all 
against  the  caprice  of  the  monarch,  but  shirks  its  duties  and 
assumes  greater  prerogatives.  When  this  treason  is  committed 
against  God  and  man  then  every  individual  takes  a  defensive 
attitude  and  a  state  of  revolution  exists." 

Pollen  sought  to  justify  the  right  to  revolution  not  only 
from  the  standpoint  of  political  science,  but  also  on  ethical 
grounds.  "The  purpose  of  human  existence,"  says  Fichte,2 
"is  always  to  act  freely  according  to  reason,"  and  in  this 
Pollen  freely  concurred  both  in  theory  and  practice.  He  be 
lieved  that  everything  which  reason  recognizes  as  good  and 
beautiful  and  true  may  be  realized  by  moral  effort.  Likewise 
in  government :  the  state  must  be  ordered  according  to  the 
reason  of  its  members;  if  it  prevents  its  citizens  from  acting 
according  to  reason  or  conscience  it  must  be  overthrown.3  The 
basis  of  Pollen's  system  was,  that  everybody  is  in  duty  bound 
to  convince  himself  through  reason  that  he  is  right  and  then 
to  follow  his  conviction  without  reference  to  the  consequences 
to  himself;  he  recognized  no  higher  law  than  his  own  free 

1  Fragmente,  III,  Sec.  1,  173. 

2  "Grundziige    des    gegenwartigen    Zeitalters,"    Samtliche    Werke, 

3  Wesselhoft,  70. 

—  39  — 


POLLEN  IN  EUROPE 

conviction.  "If  you  are  convinced,"  according  to  his  argu 
ment,1  "that  your  opinion  is  true  you  must  seek  to  realize  this 
truth ;  the  means  must  not  be  considered  when  it  is  a  question 
of  a  moral  necessity.  A  moral  necessity  is  not  an  aim,  and  the 
means  to  its  attainment  are  of  no  import."  The  realization  of 
freedom  and  equality  through  republican  government  was  of 
course  the  object  of  Pollen's  propoganda;  hence  unconditional 
striving  toward  this  object  was  the  creed  of  his  political  circle. 

From  the  foregoing  Pollen  seems  to  have  accepted  the 
Jesuitical  doctrine,  that  for  the  realization  of  a  just  end  any 
means  are  justified  even  if  they  do  run  counter  to  accepted 
standards  of  morality.  In  the  proceedings  instituted  against 
him  later  he  stoutly  denied  that  he  held  such  doctrines,  but 
this  charge  against  him  seems  to  have  been  sustained  notwith 
standing.2  Concerning  this  question  Wit3  spoke  as  follows 
when  he  was  still  friendly  to  Follen :  "We  never  directly 
avowed  the  principle,  as  the  Prussian  Minister,  Bernstorf, 
accuses  us  in  his  circular  letter,  that  the  end  sanctifies  the 
means,  but  we  were  firmly  convinced  that  if  a  Christian  does 
anything  in  full  conviction  that  he  is  acting  for  the  welfare  of 
the  fatherland  he  is  always  in  the  right."  Friedrich  Munch 
observes4  that  as  nearly  as  he  can  recollect  Follen  expressed 
himself  thus :  'There  are  few  men  who  under  certain  cir 
cumstances  would  not  tell  a  fib,  but  on  account  of  a  certain 
awe,  which  is  after  all  nothing  but  cowardice,  refrain  from 
bare-faced  lying  for  a  great  principle.  They  would  not  hesi 
tate  to  defend  themselves  against  a  highway  robber  by  shoot 
ing  him  down,  but  they  are  afraid  to  draw  the  dagger  against 
the  great  robbers  and  murderers  of  popular  freedom.  If  men 
were  only  consistent  all  of  us  would  have  been  free  long  ago/ 

That  Follen  advocated  political  assassination  as  a  means 
of  subverting  monarchic  government  cannot  be  denied.  In 
incendiary  pamphlets  and  songs  current  among  the  Giessen 

1  Ibid.,  88. 

2  Cf.  Pregizer,  67. 

3  Fragmentc,  III,  Sec.  1,  172. 

1  "Aus  Deutschlands  triibster  Zeit,"  Gesammclte  Schriften,  59. 
—  40  — 


GERMAN  UNITY 

Blacks,  and  especially  in  the  Great  Song  *  written  in  part  at 
least  by  Pollen,  this  doctrine  was  expressed  in  such  uncanny 
verses  as  the  following: 

Freiheitsmesser  gezuckt ! 

Hurrah !  den  Dolch  durch  die  Kehle  gedriickt ! 

Mit  Purpurgewandern, 

Mit  Kronen  und  Bandern 
Zum  Rachealtar  steht  das  Opfer  geschmiickt! 

'It  is  cowardly/  he  declared,  to  quote  again  from  Munch 's  dim 
recollection,2  'to  speak  of  obtaining  liberty  through  legitimate 
means,  because  nobody  has  the  right  to  keep  liberty  from  us; 
we  must  gain  it  through  every  means  offered  to  us.  The 
tyrants  know  how  to  protect  themselves  against  legal  acts, 
therefore  they  must  learn  to  tremble  before  our  daggers. 
Whoever  resorts  to  these  measures  in  the  full  conviction  that 
he  is  sacrificing  all  that  is  dear  to  him  for  the  welfare  of  the 
fatherland  is  morally  all  the  nobler  the  harder  he  finds  it  to 
overcome  his  natural  aversion  to  such  deeds.'  When  he  was 
asked  by  Wesselhoft 3  whether  he  thought  he  could  put  his 
system  into  practice  without  the  shedding  of  blood  and 
whether  his  feelings  did  not  revolt  against  the  destruction  of 
men,  who  were  probably  good  and  just,  merely  because  they 
ventured  to  think  differently  from  him,  he  replied  calmly: 
"No.  If  matters  come  to  the  worst  all  who  are  wavering  in 
their  opinions  must  be  sacrificed ;  this  is  not  a  matter  of  feel 
ing,  but  of  necessity." 

Pollen's  extreme  political  radicalism  was  only  the  result 
of  his  ardent  patriotism  developed  to  the  point  of  fanaticism. 
So  deeply  concerned  was  he  for  the  welfare  of  the  nation  that 
he  advocated  the  employment  of  force  for  the  attainment  of 
political  conditions  that  would  foster  and  develop  the  genius 

1  Given   in   full   in   Wit's  Pragmente,   I,   430-448 ;   extant  also  in 
Pollen's  Works,  I,  585-593,  but  with  some  of  the  more  radical  passages 
omitted. 

2  Gesammelte  Schriften,  49. 

3  Teutsche  Jug  end,  88. 

—  41  — 


FOLLEN  IN  EUROPE 

of  the  Teutonic  race.  According  to  Fichte1  mankind  must  be 
forcibly  constrained  to  follow  the  upward  path  toward  moral 
perfection;  but  since  force  employed  in  its  own  interests  is 
tyranny  it  is  the  first  duty  of  a  ruling  prince  to  educate  the 
people  toward  freedom.  In  answer  to  the  question  whether 
the  German  rulers  will  do  this,  he  replies  that  they  are  still 
too  narrow  to  give  up  their  own  personal  interests,  and  too 
selfish  to  sacrifice  themselves  to  the  larger  ideals  of  Teutonic 
civilization,  hence  there  should  be  one  powerful  leader  to 
forcibly  unite  the  German  nation  for  the  development  of  its 
great  latent  possibilities.  When  one  considers  then  that  even 
Fichte  advocated  a  "Zwingherr  zur  Deutschheit"  it  is  evident 
that  he  and  Pollen  had  in  mind  the  same  means  to  the  same 
end,  but  differed  only  in  their  method  of  procedure. 

Fully  convinced  that  the  abolition  of  tyranny  was  a  moral 
necessity  Follen  used  all  of  his  eloquence  and  persuasion  to 
convert  his  friends  to  his  belief.  He  was  a  powerful  athlete, 
a  keen,  logical  thinker,  and  an  impassioned  speaker.  Along 
with  his  love  of  liberty  and  his  deep  religious  mysticism  he 
possessed  a  highly  developed  self-confidence  and  an  indomit 
able  will,  which  could  brook  no  opposition.  Through  these 
qualities  of  body  and  mind  he  completely  dominated  the  hearts 
and  minds  of  his  companions,  exerting  upon  them  an  almost 
irresistable  influence.  Those  who  listened  to  his  arguments 
felt  as  if  they  were  standing  on  the  brink  of  a  bottomless  abyss 
and  were  ordered  to  plunge  into  its  depth.  Wesselhoft 2  ob 
serves  that  he  exercised  over  his  followers  a  control  that  was 
very  galling  to  many  of  them,  that  the  superiority  of  his  mind 
and  acquirements  deterred  even  the  strongest  from  adopting 
any  independent  choice  of  opinion  or  of  following  any  original 
course  of  action,  and  that  he  possessed  so  great  an  acuteness 
and  strength  of  intellect  that  few  of  his  friends  could  detect 
the  fantastic  foundations  of  his  youthful  philosophy.  Al 
though  it  seemed  impossible  to  evade  his  logic  some  of  the 
Blacks,  nevertheless,  revolted  against  his  maxim  that  tyranni- 

1  Cf.  "Entwurf  zu  einer  politischen  Schrift,  im  Friihling  1813" — 
Sdmtliche  Werke,  VII,  564f. 

2  Teutsche  Jugend,  80. 

—  42  — 


GERMAN  UNITY 

cide  is  permissible  in  the  service  of  freedom.  In  opposition 
to  these  "Moderates,"  as  they  were  called,  Follen  arrayed  his 
most  devoted  adherents  under  the  name  of  the  "Uncondi- 
tionals,"  who  adopted  as  their  slogan,  to  quote  Munch1  again, 
the  original  ending  of  the  so-called  Great  Song: 

Nieder  mit  Kronen,  Thronen,  Frohnen,  Drohnen  und  Baronen  1 
Sturm ! 

In  order  to  organize  his  propaganda  more  thoroughly,2  Follen 
planned  a  solemn  Lord's  Supper,  at  which  the  Unconditionals 
were  to  be  united  in  an  indissoluable  covenant  of  "death 
brethren,"  consecrated  to  the  holy  cause  of  freedom.  Owing 
to  the  alertness  of  the  university  authorities  this  project  had 
to  be  abandoned,  but  its  purpose  was  attained  by  a  wide  cir 
culation  of  the  revolutionary  Great  Song.  It  must  not  be  sup 
posed,  however,  that  these  incendiary  songs  and  speeches  were 
heard  in  public,  but  rather  in  the  privacy  of  student  lodgings 
and  even  in  the  depth  of  the  forest  under  cover  of  darkness. 

In  the  spring  of  1818  Follen  graduated  from  the  uni 
versity  of  Giessen  as  Doctor  of  both  Civil  and  Canonical  L,aw. 
He  then  began  to  lecture  on  jurisprudence  in  his  alma  mater 
and  to  practice  law  in  the  court  over  which  his  father  presided 
as  judge.  In  the  midst  of  these  labors  he  not  only  busied  him 
self  with  his  political  propaganda,  but  found  time  also  for  the 
study  of  philosophy,  especially  the  writings  of  Spinoza,  the 
English  Deists,  and  the  French  Encyclopaedists,  from  which 
he  emerged  with  his  religious  and  philosophical  views  clarified 
and  to  some  extent  formulated  into  a  definite  system. 

As  a  preliminary  step  to  his  ultimate  aim  he  had  planned 
as  early  as  1817  a  campaign  for  the  introduction  of  constitu 
tional  government  into  the  several  German  states  and  he  now 
set  the  movement  on  foot  in  his  own  land  by  drafting  the  first 
of  that  flood  of  petitions  which  afterwards  induced  the  Hes 
sian  government  to  grant,  at  least  in  appearance,  a  representa 
tive  constitution.3  Through  the  notoriety  thus  gained  and 

1  Gesammelte  Schriften,  51. 

2  Ibid.,  54. 

3  Haupt,  115f. 

—  43  — 


FOLLEN  IN  EUROPE 

through  his  reputation  as  a  skillful  lawyer  he  was  called  upon 
to  conduct  the  cause  of  the  municipalities  of  Hesse  against  an 
arbitrary  attempt  of  the  ducal  government  to  deprive  them  of 
their  last  remnant  of  political  liberty.1  For  the  sake  of  per 
sonal  gain  some  of  the  counselors  of  the  Grand  Duke  had  pre 
vailed  upon  the  latter  to  establish  a  commission  to  administer 
the  finances  of  the  several  communities.  Seeing  in  this  the 
destruction  of  their  credit  and  independence,  the  latter  united 
in  sending  to  the  government  their  earnest  remonstrances,  but 
this  union  was  at  once  declared  seditious  and  any  lawyer  who 
should  dare  to  aid  them  was  threatened  with  the  loss  of  his 
office.  Undaunted  by  this  threat  Pollen  responded  to  the 
appeal  for  aid  and  drew  up  a  memorial  setting  forth  the  in 
justice  of  the  decree  both  in  regard  to  general  principles  and 
to  the  law  of  the  land.  This  was  presented  directly  to  the 
Grand  Duke  before  the  commission  could  take  preventive 
measures,  and  public  opinion  was  so  strong  against  the  flagrant 
injustice  of  the  decree  that  it  was  rescinded  and  the  members 
of  the  commission  removed  from  office.  His  successful  prose 
cution  of  this  just  cause  and  his  active  participation  in  the 
growing  movement  for  constitutional  government  laid  the 
foundation  of  his  ultimate  ruin  in  his  native  land.  Denounced 
by  his  enemies  as  a  dangerous  political  agitator,  he  was  from 
that  time  on  the  object  of  unrelenting  persecution. 

With  little  hope  for  a  successful  career  at  Giessen  under 
the  existing  political  conditions,  Follen  severed  his  connection 
with  the  university,  and  upon  invitation  of  Professor  Fries 
went  to  Jena  in  October,  1818,  where  he  began  a  course  of 
lectures  on  Roman  law.  From  this  more  favorable  location 
where  his  republican  doctrine  had  already2  gained  a  footing 
through  the  efforts  of  his  friend,  von  Buri,  he  hoped  to  extend 
his  influence  to  Berlin  as  a  means  of  winning  recruits  for  his 
propaganda.  It  seems  that  he  and  his  brother  had  in  mind 
about  this  time  the  fantastic  idea  3  of  calling  a  great  mass- 

1  Works,  I,  60ff . ;  Wit,  III,  Sec.  1,  169. 

2Haupt,   126. 

3  Munch,  17;  Braun,  Westermann's  Monatshefte,  XXXV,  260. 

—  44  — 


GERMAN  UNITY 

meeting  on  the  battle-field  of  Leipzig  to  proclaim  the  republic. 
The  people  were  to  be  armed  for  the  abolition  of  royalty,  and 
then  a  parliament  was  to  be  convened  to  adopt  the  constitution 
which  he  and  his  Blacks  had  already  drafted  for  the  new 
government,  but  no  attempt  was  made  to  carry  out  this 
scheme.  From  the  outset  he  made  a  favorable  impression 
upon  the  Jena  students  and  his  success  as  a  teacher  soon  won 
him  admission  to  the  highest  circles  of  society.  Robert  Wessel- 
hoft,  who  was  at  that  time  considered  as  one  of  the  leaders  of 
the  Jena  Burschenschaft,  describes  his  first  meeting  with 
Pollen  as  follows  :x 

"He  received  us  like  old  friends,  with  the  simple  familiar 
*du.'  He  was  candid,  kind,  and  confiding,  but  there  was  in  his 
whole  appearance  and  bearing,  in  the  tone  of  his  voice,  in  his 
gestures  and  glances,  something  so  noble,  such  calmness  and 
strength,  such  determination  and  almost  proud  earnestness, — 
a  something  peculiar  to  himself,  which  imperceptibly  inspired 
all  who  came  in  contact  with  him  with  a  deep  feeling  of  re 
spect.  He  had  a  broad  but  delicately  formed  forehead ;  a  well- 
shaped  nose ;  deep,  soulful  eyes ;  a  red,  medium-sized  mouth ; 
a  fair,  rosy  complexion;  heavy,  light-colored  whiskers;  and 
smooth,  blonde  hair,  which  was  parted  in  the  middle  of  his 
forehead  and  hung  around  his  neck  in  wavy  locks.  Picture 
this  head  on  a  sound,  powerful,  well-formed  body  of  middle 
stature,  and  clothe  the  figure  in  a  blue  German  student's  coat 
trimmed  with  pearl  buttons,  and  you  will  have  before  you  the 
image  of  Karl  Pollen.  I  can  assure  you  that  we  have  nowhere 
met  his  equal  nor  anybody  who  could  be  compared  with  him 
for  purity  and  chastity  of  manners  and  morals.  He  seemed  to 
concentrate  all  his  energies  upon  one  great  aim, — the  revolu 
tion.  The  death  of  the  enemy  and  the  freedom  of  the  human 
mind  not  only  lay  at  his  heart,  and  his  heart  on  his  tongue,  but 
his  powerful  fist  might  be  seen  convulsively  clenched  whenever 
he  heard  the  clank  of  fetters  and  chains." 

Finding  the  Jena  Burschenschaft  too  tame  and  philistine  to 
suit  his  high  ideals,  Pollen  united  a  few  of  the  more  radically 

1  Teutsche  Jugend,  65. 

-45- 


POLLEN  IN  EUROPE 

inclined  into  a  club1  for  discussing  the  practical  working  of  his 
philosophical  and  political  ideas.  Especially  was  the  question 
debated,  as  Follen  himself  notes,2  whether  an  outer  code  of 
morals  is  necessary,  or  whether  man's  most  inner  conviction 
alone  can  justify  and  condemn  him  before  God;  further, 
whether  there  are  rights  which  one  can  claim  under  all  cir 
cumstances  and  never  renounce.  Follen  sought  to  win  his  new 
friends  over  to  his  doctrine  of  conviction,  unconditionality, 
and  republicanism,  as  he  had  done  in  Giessen,  but  although 
they  seemed  to  yield  to  his  bold  conceptions  they  could  not  so 
readily  adopt  them.  Under  the  guidance  of  the  most  learned 
and  broad-minded  men  in  all  the  different  professions  the  Jena 
students  had  acquired  the  habit  of  strict  criticism  and  inde 
pendent  philosophical  thought.  Although  they  cherished  the 
deepest  respect  for  Pollen's  sincerity  and  self-conviction,  as 
Wesselhoft  records,3  they  felt  that  he  was  wrong  and  sought 
to  convert  him  through  the  aid  of  Fries,  their  professor  of 
philosophy.  To  effect  this  the  whole  club  gathered  weekly 
around  the  latter  and  discussed  the  subject  warmly.4  Fries 
and  Follen  each  had  his  own  system  and  neither  could  convert 
the  other,  but  their  adherents  gained  much  valuable  knowledge 
and  arrived  at  decided  opinions  of  their  own.  The  question 
of  conviction  and  the  manner  of  making  it  of  practical  value 
in  life  was  often  discussed.  Fries  made  a  distinction  between 
conviction  arrived  at  from  the  conscience  and  that  arrived  at 
from  scientific  study,  that  is,  the  conviction  of  the  masses  can 
not  be  taken  as  a  guide  unless  supported  by  the  conclusions  of 
scholars ;  further,  that  conviction  must  not  lead  to  action  by 
unlawful,  violent  deeds.  This  was  of  course  directly  opposed 
to  Follen's  democratic  conception  of  popular  conviction  and  to 
his  doctrine  of  unconditionality.  Since  Fries  was  prevented 
after  a  short  time  from  attending  the  meetings  the  club  was 

1  Leo,  176. 

2  "Ueber  die  deutsche  Inquisition" — Wit's  Fragmente,  III,  Sec.   1, 
187. 

3  Teutsche  Jugend,  87ff. 

4  Works,  I,  186 ;  Leo,  187 ;  Pregizer,  64. 

—  46- 


GERMAN  UNITY 

left  alone  under  Follen's  influence,  but  when  the  latter  tried 
to  force  his  views  upon  all,  maintaining  that  cowardice  and 
weakness  alone  prevented  their  adoption  and  application  as 
the  rule  of  life,  a  decisive  rupture  took  place.  The  club  sud 
denly  broke  up  in  March,  1819,  leaving  Follen  with  a  few 
followers.  He  saw  that  much  labor  was  yet  necessary  on  his 
part  to  raise  even  the  most  cultivated  and  susceptible  youth  to 
his  high  ideals,  and  realized,  doubtless,  that  his  object  could  be 
more  easily  attained  by  gradually  habituating  others  to  his 
views  than  by  violently  opposing  himself  to  the  spirit  then 
prevalent  in  Jena.  An  event  occurred,  however,  which  not 
only  completed  the  ruin  of  his  prospects,  but  served  to  stifle 
the  liberal  aspirations  of  the  German  youth  as  well. 

On  March  23rd,  1819,  the  reactionary  writer,  Kotzebue, 
whom  the  liberals  suspected  of  being  a  spy  in  the  service  of  the 
Russian  government,  was  assassinated  by  Karl  Sand,  one  of 
Follen's  intimate  friends  at  Jena;  and  on  the  1st  of  July  a 
murderous  assault  was  made  upon  the  Hessian  minister  of 
state,  von  Ibell,  by  Karl  Lohning,  an  associate  of  some  of  the 
Giessen  Blacks.  To  the  Holy  Alliance  these  atrocious  deeds 
seemed  to  be  a  manifestation  of  the  same  spirit  that  had  in 
augurated  the  Wartburg  meeting,  and  the  Burschenschaft  a 
revival  of  the  ancient  "Vehmgericht,"  with  the  ultimate  object 
of  overthrowing  all  monarchic  institutions.  The  freedom  of 
the  press  was  now  abolished ;  the  formation  of  societies  among 
students  prohibited ;  the  universities  placed  under  immediate 
government  control;  a  strict  police  system  established;  and 
scores  of  young  men  suspected  of  even  the  mildest  liberal 
views  were  arrested  and  thrown  into  prison.  Follen  himself 
was  twice  arrested  as  an  accomplice  to  Sand,  but  was  fully 
acquitted  of  the  charge. 

HIS   REVOLUTIONARY    POETRY. 

The  members  of  Follen's  circle  gave  expression  to  their 
republican  ideals  not  only  in  political  tracts,  but  also  in  songs 
and  poems,  the  most  radical  of  which  was  the  anonymous 
Great  Song,  a  joint  product  of  the  Follen  brothers.  A  num- 

—  47  — 


FOLLEN  IN  EUROPE 

her  of  these  revolutionary  songs  together  with  poems  by  such 
writers  as  Korner,  Arndt,  Uhland,  and  Schenkendorf  were 
collected  under  the  title  of  "Freye  Stimmen  frischer  Jugend,"1 
one  of  the  most  pleasing  and  important  documents  of  the 
Burschenschaft  movement.  The  selection  may  be  grouped 
under  five  heads :  Turnlieder,  Freiheitslieder,  Reichskleinode, 
Kriegsgesange,  and  Heldenlieder,  all  of  which  are  variations 
of  the  same  general  theme, — love  of  liberty  and  fatherland. 
As  a  patriotic  appeal  to  revolution  for  the  attainment  of  civic 
freedom  and  national  unity,  the  Burschenschaft  songs  supple 
ment  in  a  measure  the  patriotic  lyrics  of  Korner  and  Arndt, 
who  summon  the  nation  to  unite  against  foreign  oppression. 
The  collection  is  introduced  by  Pollen's  soul-stirring  dedi 
catory  poem,  "Turnstaat,"  which  is  not  only  one  of  the  gems 
of  German  political  poetry,  but  strikes  the  keynote  of  the 
whole  revolutionary  program, — freedom,  unity,  equality, 
through  the  overthrow  of  monarchism  and  the  establishment 
of  a  Christian-German  Republic  : 

Schalle,  du  Freiheitssang !     Walle  wie  Wogendrang 

Aus  Felsenbrust ! 

Feig  bebt  der  Knechte  Schwarm ;  uns  schlagt  das  Herz  so  warm, 

Uns  ztickt  der  Jiinglingsarm  voll  Tatenlust. 

Gott  Vater!     Dir  zti  Ruhm  flammt  deutsches  Rittertum 
In  uns  aufs  neu; 

Neu  wird  das  altc  Band,  wachsend  wie  Feuerbrand  : 
Gott,  Freiheit.  Vaterland,  altteutsche  Treu. 

Einfach  und  gliiubig  sei,  kraftig  und  keusch  and  frei, 
Hermanns  Geschlecht! 

Zwingherrnmacht,  Knechtewitz  malmt  Gottes   Racheblitz : 
Euch  sei  der  Konigsitz ;  Freiheit  und  Recht ! 

Freiheit!  in  uns  erwacht  ist  deine  Geistesmacht, 
Dein  Reich  genaht : 

Gliihend  nach  Wissenschaft,  bliihend  in  Ritterkraft 
Sei,  teutsche  Turnerschaft,  ein   Bruderstaat. 

1  Copies  of  this  little  volume  are  so  rare  that  passages  from  some 
of  the  representative  songs  will  be  quoted  here. 


GERMAN  UNITY 

Sause,  du  Freiheitssang,  brause  wie  Donnerklang 
Aus  Wolkenbrust! 

Ein  Herz,  ein  Leben  ganz  stehen  wir,  ein  Sternenkranz 
Um  einer  Sonne  Glanz,  voll  Himmelslust. 

Allusion  has  already  been  made  to  the  great  role  which 
the  gymnastic  movement  played  in  the  Burschenschaft  and  to 
the  high  esteem  in  which  its  founder  was  held  by  Follen  and 
his  circle.  Just  as  gymnastics  had  under  Jahn's  direction 
become  a  powerful  means  of  preparing  the  nation  for  the  great 
struggle  against  Napoleon,  it  now  became  in  the  hands  of  the 
liberals  an  integral  part  of  their  national  and  revolutionary 
propaganda.  Believing  that  greater  tasks  were  yet  to  be  ac 
complished  the  gymnasts  formulated  their  program  in  verses 
such  as  the  following,  in  which  they  sing  with  joyous  enthusi 
asm  of  the  revival  of  ancient  knighthood  and  of  the  new 
crusade  against  injustice  and  tyranny : 

Wir  ziehen  zum  f  rohlichen  Werke,  hinaus  auf  die  griine  Heid' ; 
Erturnen  Kraft  und  Starke  zu  manchem  kiihnen  Streit, 
Mit  Schwertern  und  mit  Lanzen  erproben  wir  den  Arm : 
Und  unser  rasches  Tanzen  macht  Mut  und  Blut  so  warm. 

Wir  wollen  wieder  schaffen  die  gute  alte  Art: 
Den  kiihnen  Mut  der  Waffen  mit  frommem  Sinn  gepaart; 
Wir  wollen  wie  die  Ritter,  mit  blankem  Mannerschwerd 
Im  Sturm  und  Schlachtgewitter  verfechten  Hof  und  Herd.1 


Das  Vaterland  vor  Ketten  zu  schirmen  fiir  und  fur, 
Und,  ist's  umgarnt,  zu  retten;  nur  darum  sterben  wir. 
Seht!     Diistere  Nebel  triiben  noch  Teutschlands  Morgenrot 
Das  Vaterland,  ihr  Lieben,  bedarf  noch  manchen  Tod. 

Wir  wollen  uns  vorbereiten  zu  Opfern  fromm  und  treu, 
Dass  riesengrossen  Zeiten  das  Herz  gewachsen  sei. 
Drum  sind  wir  hier  beisamrnen,  drum  ist  uns  hier  so  warm 
Wir  schiiren  Geistesflammen,  wir  stahlen  unsern  Arm.2 


1  Freye  Stimmen,  No.  2   (by  Ch.  Sartorius). 

2  Ibid.,  No.  3   (anonymous). 

—  49  — 


FOLLEN  IN  EUROPE 

Wir  miihen  uns  nicht  um  goldnen  Tand,  Herrschtum  und  Sklaven- 

ehre: 

Wir  ringen,  dass  ins  Vaterland  die  stolze  Freiheit  kehre. 
So  hegen  wir  ein  f  reies  Reich :  an  Rang  und  Stand  sind  alle  gleich ; 
Freies  Reich  1    Alle  gleich!     Heisa  jucheil1 

Pollen  himself  begins  with  a  short  panegyric  on  old 
"Turnvater"  Jahn  and  then  summons  the  gymnastic  youth  to 
draw  the  sword  against  all  enemies  whatsoever  of  the  sover 
eign  people : 

Als  der  Turnmeister,  der  alte  Jahn 

Fur  des  Volkes  urheilige  Rechte 

Vortrat  zu  der  Freiheit  Rennlauf bahn : 

Da  folgt'  ihm  ein  wehrlich  Geschlechte. 

Hei !  wie  schwungen  sich  die  Jungen,  f  risch,   f  roll,   f  romm,  f  rei ! 

Hei!  wie  sungen  da  die  Jungen:    juchei. 

Ueberall  nah,  tiberall  da, 

Sind  deine  Feinde,  Volksgemeinde  1 
Teutsche  Gemeinde,  dein  Hermann  ist  dal 

Da,  hurrah ! 
Schwerter  geschwungen!  die  Freiheit  gerungen! 

Juchei,  ihr  Alten  und  Jungen.2 


Auf,  Jubeldonner  und  Liedersturm ! 
Der  Begeisterung  Blitz  hat  geziindet; 
Der  Mannheit  Eiche,  der  Teutschheit  Turm 
Ist  in  Teutschland  wieder  geziindet: 
Der  Freiheit  Wiege,  dein  Sarg,  Drangerei ! 
Wird  gezimmert  aus  dem  Baum  der  Turnerei. 

Auf,  du  Turner !     Du  Teutscher  wohlan ! 
Auf,  ehrliche,  wehrliche  Jugend ! 
Noch  ficht  mit  der  Wahrheit  gekronter  Wahn, 
Noch  kampft  mit  dem  Teufel  die  Tugend. 
Schwertstahl  aus  dem  Rost!  aus  dem  Schlauch,  junger  Most  I 
Durch  die  Dunstluf t,  Nordost !  gruner  Mai,  aus  dem  Frost  1  * 

Ubid,  No.  13  (by  Karl  Hoffmann). 
2  Ibid.,  No.  15  (by  Follen  brothers). 
*Ibid,  No.  14  (by  Karl  Follen). 

—  SO- 


GERMAN  UNITY 

Among  the  Freiheitslieder  is  Pollen's  famous  "Bundeslied 
auf  dem  Rutli,"1  which  is  a  direct  challenge  to  the  tyrants,  a 
call  to  revolution,  and  the  prophecy  of  a  brighter  day  in  the 
political  life  of  the  nation.  The  following  strophes  will  serve 
to  indicate  the  general  tone  and  spirit  of  the  whole : 

Ja,  bei  Gott  und  Vaterland!  verderben 

Woll'n  wir  der  Gewaltherrn  letzte  Spur: 

Gern  fur  Recht  und  Freiheit  sterben,  bleibt  fur  Volk  die  Freiheit  nur! 

Gott,  hor'  unsern  Bundesschwur !     H6V  an!    hor'  anl    hor'  an! 

Steig*  aus  uns'res  Blutes  Morgenglanze 

Gliih'nde  Volkssonn'  in  alter  Pracht ! 

In  des  Reiches  Sternenkranze  steig  aus  uns'res  Todes  Nacht, 

Freistaat  Volkes,  Gottesmacht!     Empor !    empor !    empor! 

Freiheitsbund,  vortrage  deinem  Volke, 

Deiner  Zeit  das  Freiheitsbanner  kiihn ! 

Aus  dir,  freie  Donnerwolke,  soil  das  Siegkreuz  Gottes  gliih'n, 

Soil  ein  neues  Reich  erbliih'n!     Hinan!    hinan!    hinan! 

The  celebrated  Great  Song  embodies  the  whole  creed  of 
the  radicals:  the  subversion  of  monarchic  government,  the 
establishment  of  the  Christian  Republic,  and  a  martyr's  death 
if  necessary  for  the  attainment  of  this  end.  Its  ardent  love 
of  liberty,  its  glowing  patriotism,  its  praise  of  popular  sov 
ereignty,  and  especially  its  fierce  invective  against  the  despotic 
rulers,  which  ring  out  from  beginning  to  end,  are  the  final  and 
most  powerful  summons  to  political  revolution.  The  poem  is 
both  lyric  and  epic  in  character  and  is  composed  of  a  number 
of  single  songs  joined  together  into  a  unified  whole  by  their 
passionate  revolutionary  sentiment.  It  seems  quite  probable 
that  the  lyric  poetry  which  is  contained  in  Klopstock's  patriotic 
dramas,  "Hermann  und  die  Fiirsten"  and  "Hermanns  Tod," 
and  which  shows  great  similarity  in  composition  to  the  Great 
Song,  furnished  the  model  for  this  poem.  In  sublime  images 
taken  from  the  Voluspa  of  the  older  Edda  the  song  opens  with 

i  Ibid.,  No.  21. 

—  51  — 


FOLLEN  IN  EUROPE 

a  grand  overture,  which  portrays  the  conflagration  of  the  world 
and  the  birth  of  freedom: 

Horcht  auf,  ihr  Fiirsten!     Du,  Volk,  horch  auf  I 
Freiheit  und  Rache  in  vollem  Lauf, 
Gottes  Wetter  ziehen  blutig  herauf ! 
Auf,  dass  in  Weltbrands  Stunden 
Ihr  nicht  miissig  werdet  gef  unden ! 
Reiss'  aus  dem  Schlummer  dich,  trages  Gewiirme, 
Am  Himmel  schau  auf,  in  Gewitterpracht 
Hell  aufgegagngen  dein  Todesgestirne ! 

Es  erwacht, 

Es  erwacht, 

Tief  aus  der  sonnenschwangeren  Nacht, 
In  blutflammender  Morgenwonne, 

Der  Sonnen  Sonne, 

Die  Volkesmacht! 

Spruch  des  Herrn,  du  bist  gesprochen, 
Volksblut,  Freiheitsblut,  du  wirst  gerochen, 
Gotzendamm'rung,  du  bist  angebrochen. 

After  this  prelude  the  revolutionary  procession  passes  in 
review  singing  in  solos  and  choruses  the  various  parts  of  the 
Great  Song.  As  the  representative  of  the  older  generation 
of  patriots,  who  had  resigned  themselves  in  hopeless  despair 
to  the  gloomy  political  outlook  of  the  country,  appears  an 
aged  man  chanting  a  solemn  dirge  over  the  death  of  freedom, 
but  his  mournful  strains  are  soon  lost  amid  the  din  of  a  stir 
ring  war  song  as  the  sturdy  German  youth  come  marching 
along : 

Doch  es  sungen 
Die  Jungen 

Frisch,  frohlich  und  frei, 
Die  mutigen  Sohne  der  Turnerei ; 
Sternaugen  funkeln,  Schwerter  sind  bloss, 
Laut  schallet  der  Freiheit  Trompetenstoss ! 
Schmettr'  heraus 
Aus  der  Brust 
Jugendbraus, 
Schwertgesaus, 
Freiheitslust ! 

—  52  — 


GERMAN  UNITY 

At  the  close  of  the  song  the  leader  of  this  youthful  band 
addresses  himself  directly  to  the  spectators,  appealing  to  them 
to  arise  in  their  might  and  join  in  the  movement  for  liberty: 

Der  Volker  Volk  liegt  nieder  in  Angst  und  Schweiss, 
Seinen  Hunger  nahrend  in  stummem  Fleiss. 

Du  armes  Volk,  Dir  ist  so  heiss, 

Du  bist  so  elend,  so  herzenskrank, 

Beut  keiner  Dir  einen  Labetrank? 


Menschenmenge,  grosse  Menschenwuste,1 

Die  umsonst  der  Geistesfriihling  griisste, 

Reisse,  krache  endlich,  altes  Eis ! 

Stiirz'  in  starken  stolzen  Meeresstrudeln 

Hin  auf  Knecht  und  Zwingherrn,  die  Dich  hudeln, 

Sei  ein  Volk,  ein  Freistaat,  werde  heiss ! 

After  the  passionate  harangue  of  this  revolutionary 
leader  the  people  are  wrought  up  to  such  a  pitch  of  excitement 
that  they  answer  in  one  loud  acclaim: 

Briider,  so  kann's  nicht  gehn,2 
Lasst  uns  zusammen  stehn, 
Duldet's  nicht  mehr ! 
Freiheit,  dein  Baum  fault  ab, 
Jeder  am  Bettelstab, 
Beisst  bald  ins  Hungergrab ; 
Volk  ins  Gewehr! 


1  According  to  Wit  (Fragmente,  I,  59f.)  that  part  of  the  song  be 
ginning  with  this  strophe  had  come  into  the  possession  of  some  of  the 
Jena  students  in  the  summer  of  1818;  somebody  secretly  printed  6,000 
copies  and  scattered  them  broadcast  over  the  country  under  the  title 
"Dreissig  oder  drei  und  dreissig,  gleich  viel,"  meaning  that  they  could 
put  their  33  rulers  out  of  the  way  as  easily  as  the  Greeks  got  rid  of 
their  30  tyrants. 

2  This  portion  of  the  song  was  widely  disseminated  in  the  Oden- 
wald  and  had  a  great  influence  on  the  peasant  uprising  of  that  region 
in  1819.     It  afterward  became  known  as  the  Odenwalder  Bauernlied ; 
cf.  Haupt,  133f. 

—  53  — 


POLLEN  IN  EUROPE 

Briider  in  Gold  und  Seid', 
Briider   in  Bauernkleid, 
Reicht  Euch  die  Hand! 
Allen  ruft  Deutschlands  Not, 
Allen  des  Herrn  Gebot, 
Schlagt  Eure  Plager  tot, 
Rettet  das  Land! 

Dann  wird's,  dann  bleibt's  nur  gut, 
Wenn  Du  an  Gut  und  Blut 
Wagst  Blut  und  Gut; 
Wenn  Du  Gewehr  und  Axt, 
Schlachtbeil  und  Sense  packst, 
Zwingherrn  den  Kopf  abhackst, 
Brenn',  alte  Wut! 

And  now  the  spirit  of  revolt  is  abroad  in  the  land.  In 
order  to  begin  the  work  of  organization  the  youthful  revolu 
tionists  first  join  in  one  indissoluble  bond  of  death-brethren 
and  betake  themselves  to  the  depth  of  the  forest  where,  at  the 
pensive  hour  of  midnight,  they  kneel  in  prayer  and  then  par 
take  of  the  Lord's  Supper,  consecrating  themselves  in  this 
solemn  manner  to  the  holy  cause  of  freedom : 

Es  zieht  eine  Schaar  von  Mannern  sich 
Herab  zum  dunkeln  Haine, 
Beim   dammernden  Fackelscheine. 


Und  dort,  wo  die  Tannen  und  Eichen  im  Rund' 

Zum  erhabenen  Dome  sich  tiirmen, 

Gottes  Orgel  brauset  im  Stiirmen, 

Wie  ein  Altar  aufsteiget  der  Felsengrund, 

Dort  trat  man  zusammen  zu  Mitternachtstund'. 


Und  die  Todbriider  treten  zum  Altar  bin, 

Zu  empfahn  in  heiliger  Entflammung, 

Was  uns  Heil  bringt  oder  Verdammung. 

Mit  dem  Konig  der  Mart'rer  ein  Blut  und  ein  Sinn, 

So  nehmen  die  Martyrerweihe  sie  hin, 

Und  weih'n  sich  der  ew'gen  Erbarmung 

Mit  Opfergesang  und  Umarmung. 

—  54  — 


GERMAN  UNITY 

At  the  close  of  this  solemn  ceremony  the  death-brethren 
unite  in  singing  a  communion  hymn,  which  is  characterized 
by  a  deep  religious  mysticism  combined  with  a  spirit  of  the 
sternest  political  fanaticism.  The  revolutionists  were  first  and 
above  all  zealous  Christians.  They  considered  Christ,  how 
ever,  not  so  much  a  divine  mediator,  but  rather  the  highest 
type  of  manhood,  the  ideal  Republican,  and  it  was  his  loving 
self-sacrifice  for  the  cause  of  humanity,  his  loyalty  to  a  con 
viction  for  which  he  boldly  and  joyously  faced  death,  that 
appealed  to  them  so  powerfully: 

O  Jesu,  Liebster  mein! 
In  Fleisch  und  Blut  und  Leben, 
Im  hochsten  Geistesstreben 
Bin  ich  nur  ewig  dein. 

Dir  bist  du,  Mensch,  entflohen, 
Ein  Christus  sollst  du  werden, 
Wie  du  ein  Kind  der  Erden, 
War  auch  des  Menschen  Sohn. 

From  the  spirit  of  Christian  love  proceeds  their  love  of 
fatherland.  All  aglow  with  Christian  patriotic  zeal  the  death- 
brethren,  again  seized  by  the  revolutionary  spirit,  vow  to  be 
come  martyrs  for  the  sake  of  freedom  and  implore  divine  aid 
for  their  solemn  task.  Then  in  the  "Chorus  of  free  Chris 
tians"  rings  out  loud  and  clear  the  final  call  to  arms  that  is 
to  set  the  revolutionary  forces  in  motion. 

Ihr,  die  mit  mir  zugleich 
Den  Glaubenstrank  genossen, 
Der  Tugend  Bund  geschlossen 
Fur  Kreuz  und  Schwert  und  Eich', 
Ein  Herz,  Ein  Arm,  Ein  Blut  sind  wir  geworden 
Der  ew'gen  Freiheit  heil'ger  Mart'rerorden. 

Der  Du  am  Brandaltar 
Elias  Ruf  erhortest, 
Baals  Thron  und  Frohn  zerstortest, 
Zu  Dir  fleht  uns're  Schaar. 


—  55  - 


FOLLEN  IN  EUROPE 

Ihr  Geister  der  Freien  und_  Frommen, 

Wir  kommen,  wir  kommen,  wir  kommen, 

Eine  Menschheit  zu  retten  aus  Knechtschaft  und  Wahn, 

Zur  Blutbiihn'  zum  Rabenstein  fiihrt  uns're  Bahn. 


Fort   Zwingherrn-,   Adel-   und   Pfaffenbrut, 
Sold'aten  und  Pobel  zur  Hollenglut ! 

Ein  Reich  freier  Burger, 
Ein  Gott,  ein  Volk,  ein  Wille  soil  sein, 
Doch  die  Menschheit  im  Volke  nur  schafft  den  Verein. 


Hurrah  !     Deutschlands  Sterne  flammen, 
Deutschland  kront  Ein  Heil'genglariz ! 
Herzen,   Hande   schlagt  zusammen, 
Zwingherrschaft  fahr'  in  die  Flammen, 
Freiheit  aus  der  Flammen  Kranz. 

Zu  den  Waff  en !  stiirme,  tiirme 
Berg  auf  Berg  von  Knecht  und  Herrn ! 
Riesin  Deutschland,  brich  die  Klammer, 
Alter  Freiheit  Donnerhammer 
Wettre,  schmettre  nah  und  fern ! 

Deutscher  Hiebe  Kraft  zerstiebe 
Schlangengift  und  Tigerwut, 
Schwerterblau  wird  Morgenrote, 
Schwerterblitz  fahr'  aus  und  todte 
Dich  im  Meere,  Zwingherrnbrut ! 

How  this  incipient  revolution  was  nipped  in  the  bud  by 
the  monarchic  powers  has  already  been  alluded  to.  When 
Follen  became  convinced  that  the  times  were  not  ripe  for  his 
republican  program  he  sought  consolation  for  his  overwhelm 
ing  disappointment  by  eulogizing  in  one  last  solemn  hymn  l 
the  great  German  patriots  of  the  past.  The  first  strophe,  sung 
in  chorus  by  the  revolutionary  party,  indicates  the  theme  and 
the  general  tone  of  the  whole  poem: 

Lasst  die  toten  Briider  leben ! 
Brecht  den  Schmerz  der  Gegenwart, 
Lasst  uns  Preis  den  Teuren  geben, 
So  im  Volksdienst  ausgeharrt ! 
Einen  soil  uns  jeder  sagen, 
Der  ihm  f iillt  die  treue  Brust ; 
Manch  ein  Herz  hat  euch  geschlagen : 
Volkesschmerz  und  Freiheitslust. 
1  Freye  Stivnmen,  No.  56  (by  Follen  brothers). 
—  56  — 


GERMAN  UNITY 

Accordingly  this  introductory  chorus  is  followed  by  a  num 
ber  of  solos,  the  first  of  which  recalls  the  memorable  deeds 
of  Hermann  in  the  Teutoburger  Forest.  Then  we  are  intro 
duced  to  the  heroes  of  the  great  mediaeval  epics;  to  such 
heroic  characters  as  Karl  the  Hammer,  the  great  emperors, 
Heinrich,  Otto,  and  Rudolph,  to  the  famous  knights  of  chiv 
alry  and  the  crusades,  and  to  the  patriots  Tell  and  Winkelried, 
men  who  made  the  world  ring  with  the  renown  of  their 
mighty  deeds.  After  these  praises  of  the  middle  ages  comes 
a  panegyric  on  Luther  and  the  Reformation,  followed  by 
eulogies  on  the  poets  and  heroes  of  the  wars  of  liberation. 
After  recalling  to  memory  Germany's  glorious  past,  the  in 
dividual  singers  all  join  again  in  chorus  in  a  lament  over  the 
desolate  present  and  the  hopeless  outlook  for  the  future  of 
the  fatherland: 

Ja,  es  stieg  manch'  helle  Sonne,  Vaterland,  aus  deinem  S-choos, 
Traumtest  hohe  Mutterwonne,  und  nun  wachst  du  freudenlos  — 
Was  dies  letzte  Glas  bedeute,  sag*  es,  treu  Germanenherz ! 

Klingt! — es  klingt  wie  Grabgelaute — : 

Unsrer  Sehnsucht  tiefer  Schmerz. 

It  would  be  time  lost  to  enter  into  a  discussion  of  these 
revolutionary  songs  for  the  purpose  of  pointing  out  their  lit 
erary  defects  or  merits.  Although  some  of  them  do  strike 
the  true  poetic  note,  it  may  as  well  be  confessed  at  the  outset 
that  a  great  deal  of  this  lyric  effusion,  especially  the  Great 
Song,  is  for  the  most  part  mere  rhetorical  pathos  showing  an 
uncontrolled  imagination  spurred  on  by  animal  vitality,  which 
makes  much  of  it  bizarre  and  some  of  it  even  repulsive.  Ad 
mitting  then  the  crudeness  of  these  songs  as  literature,  one 
must  seek  elsewhere  than  in  the  field  of  aesthetics  for  their 
importance,  if  they  possess  any  at  all. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  19th  century  German  literature 
had  very  little  connection  with  the  actual,  contemporary  life 
of  the  nation,  but  drew  its  inspiration  from  the  German  past 
and  concerned  itself  mostly  with  aesthetic  questions.  It  be 
came  the  task  of  the  younger  generation,  therefore,  to  arouse 
the  nation  from  its  one-sided  literary  culture  to  a  sense  of  the 

—  57  — 


FOLLEN  IN  EUROPE 

importance  of  public  affairs;  hence  the  poets  of  the  wars  of 
liberation  and  their  successors  performed  the  important  ser 
vice  of  bringing  poetry  and  reality,  literature  and  life,  art  and 
politics  into  contact  and  mutual  relation.  Writers  began  now 
to  descend  into  the  turmoil  and  passions  of  the  actual  world, 
entering  into  the  feelings  and  desires,  the  hopes  and  longings 
of  the  people.  As  the  times  gradually  became  predominantly 
political,  poetry  as  a  result  entered  the  service  of  politics  and 
the  practical  development  of  modern  life ;  as  a  mirror  of 
political  conditions  it  became  a  critique  cf  the  national  life 
and  hence  a  part  of  the  national  existence.  It  mattered  not 
so  much  what  the  poet  wrote  as  to  what  party  he  belonged, — 
how  he  asserted  and  developed  his  moral  character  in  practical 
affairs.  Unlike  the  Classicists  and  Romanticists  the  poet's 
personality  now  became  more  prized  than  his  literary  produc 
tions  ;  hence  the  political  poetry  of  the  early  decades  of  the 
century  had  as  its  chief  task  to  evaluate  moral  motives,  be 
coming  thereby  influential  as  a  moral  force  for  the  guidance 
of  the  nation  to  a  higher  standard  of  life.  What  the  national 
literature  of  Germany  was  lacking  in  its  best  productions  was 
to  be  gained  not  from  abstract  theory,  but  from  reality;  not 
from  books,  but  from  deeds ;  hence  political  literature  served 
to  point  the  way  from  the  past  to  the  future.  Herein  lay 
whatever  value  there  was  in  the  poetry  of  Pollen's  circle. 

The  political  poets  of  the  wars  of  liberation  embodied 
in  verse  the  patriotic  sentiment,  becoming  thus  a  great  moral 
force  in  the  national  uprising  against  Napoleon.  The  poets 
of  the  Burschenschaft  movement  went  still  farther,  seeking 
not  only  to  inspire  love  of  fatherland,  but  demanding  civic 
freedom  and  national  unity;  hurling  defiance  at  the  old  regime 
on  the  one  hand  and  aiming  at  national  reconstruction  on  the 
other.  They  comprehended  the  task  of  the  age,  presenting 
in  their  poetry  the  great  principles  of  popular  life,  such  as 
freedom,  nationality,  and  self-rule,  thus  not  only  voicing  the 
sentiment  and  convictions  of  the  people,  but  becoming  also 
the  prophets  of  the  political  revolts  of  later  years.  These 
young  enthusiasts,  bound  by  no  considerations,  gave  them 
selves  up  unreservedly  to  the  spirit  of  the  times.  Their  cry 

—  58  — 


GERMAN  UNITY 

for  freedom  was  the  cry  of  the  nation,  of  humanity.  Their 
enthusiasm  for  nationality  and  their  wrath  against  despotism, 
along  with  their  joyous  rush  into  revolution, — revolution  for 
the  emancipation  of  the  people,  gave  to  their  songs  a  new  ele 
ment  in  German  political  poetry,  making  them  thereby  the 
forerunners  of  the  political  writers  of  the  '30s  and  '40s,  such 
as  Freiligrath  and  Herwegh. 

In  the  passion  of  their  storm  and  stress  the  members  of 
Pollen's  circle  were  political  in  their  hearts  rather  than  in  their 
heads.  Most  of  the  political  wisdom  of  their  poetry  was  con 
tained  in  a  few  catch-words  which  served  to  arouse  patriotic 
sentiment,  but  which  was  not  sufficient  to  solve  practical  politi 
cal  problems.  Although  it  was  juvenile  and  immature  it  served 
to  keep  alive  the  patriotic  sentiment,  not  so  much  among  the 
masses,  however,  as  among  the  academic  youth,  who,  trained 
in  this  early  school  of  patriotic,  revolutionary  sentiment,  were 
to  become  the  future  political  leaders.  The  Burschenschaft 
poetry  was  then,  in  a  word,  prophetic.  Its  aims  lay  in  the 
future ;  its  important  function  was  tentatively  to  point  out 
with  great  emphasis  the  distant  goal  to  be  gained.  Passionate 
and  bombastic  it  had  to  be  to  make  any  impression.  The  way 
had  to  be  prepared,  and  if  some  of  the  utterances  of  these 
juvenile  revolutionists  were  too  radical  they  were  nevertheless 
of  value  in  preparing  the  soil  for  the  great  harvest  that  was 
to  follow — the  unification  of  Germany  on  a  democratic  basis. 

In  regard  to  the  Great  Song  still  one  word  more  seems 
necessary:  When  carefully  considered,  without  prejudice, 
Pollen's  virulent  attack  upon  the  tyrants  seems  too  verbose 
to  be  criminal  or  even  dangerous.  It  is  always  easier  to  con 
demn  than  to  seek  to  understand.  The  language  of  this  song 
cannot  be  correctly  interpreted  by  those  who  have  not  some 
time  in  their  life  been  moved  by  a  passionate  longing  for  free 
dom,  or  whose  hearts  have  not  been  powerfully  touched  by  the 
sight  of  gross  injustice  and  tyranny.  Pollen  was  only  a  youth 
of  twenty-two  years,  an  ardent  patriot  who  was  not  only  filled 
with  righteous  indignation  against  the  tyranny  of  his  own 
times,  but  who  sympathized  with  the  martyrs  of  liberty  in  all 
ages.  Earnest,  courageous,  yet  inexperienced,  he  longed  to 

-  59  - 


FOLLEN  IN  EUROPE 

seize  the  avenging  sword  and  with  one  blow  destroy  the  firmly 
established  and  ancient  institution  of  absolute  monarchism, 
but  in  his  impetuosity  and  impatience  with  the  slow  means  of 
redress  he  neither  weighed  his  words  nor  counted  the  cost  of 
acts  to  which  he  felt  prompted  only  by  the  most  generous  im 
pulses.  Judging  him  from  this  viewpoint  with  the  knowledge, 
too,  that  he  possessed  the  most  noble  and  tender  heart,  one 
ought,  it  seems,  to  interpret  the  defying  tones  and  the  vehe 
ment  indignation  of  the  Great  Song  as  nothing  more  than  the 
natural  utterances  of  intense  all-sacrificing  devotion  to  the 
rights,  dignity,  and  happiness  of  mankind. 

THK    ASSASSINATION    OF    KOTZEBUE. 

The  crushing  effect  which  the  assassination  of  Kotzebue 
by  Karl  Sand  had  upon  the  patriotic  hopes  and  aspirations  of 
Pollen  and  his  circle  has  already  been  indicated  in  the  dis 
cussion  of  his  revolutionary  propaganda.  Was  Follen  impli 
cated,  either  directly  or  indirectly,  in  the  assassination  of 
Kotzebue?  This  question  has  been  frequently  discussed,  and 
answered  in  various  ways.  In  all  probability  no  new  evidence 
will  ever  be  forthcoming  to  throw  new  light  upon  this  mys 
tery;  hence  the  present  discussion  must  of  necessity  be  of  a 
purely  analytical  nature.  It  presents  a  resume  of  the  various 
arguments  thus  far  advanced  irr  the  case,  and  aims  at  a  solu 
tion  both  from  a  historical  and  a  psychological  point  of  view. 

When  Sand  was  still  a  mere  child  he  displayed  extraordi 
nary  courage,  will  power,  and  above  all  a  sort  of  morbid  de 
sire  to  perform  some  great  deed.  As  he  grew  older  he  became 
intensely  partiotic  and  expressed  his  willingness  to  sacrifice 
his  life  for  the  fatherland.  Various  entries  in  his  diary * 
throw  light  upon  his  character  and  are  thus  important  in  the 
psychological  explanation  of  his  deed.  At  one  time  when  he 
heard  that  Napoleon  was  to  pass  through  his  home  town  he 
felt,  according  to  an  entry  in  the  diary,  that  he  could  not  re 
frain  from  making  a  "deadly  assault  upon  the  oppressor  of 

1  A  number  of  these  entries  are  given  by  Jarcke — Karl  Ludwlg 
Sand  und  sein  an  Kotzebue  verubter  Mord,  ISOff. ;  cf.  also  Biedermann, 
25  Jahre  deutscher  Geschichte,  I,  186ff. 

-60  — 


GERMAN  UNITY 

his  fatherland  should  he  meet  him  face  to  face."  x  After  the 
war  he  took  a  leading  part  in  founding  a  branch  of  the  Bur- 
schenschaft  at  Erlangen  and  noted  in  his  diary  that  "the  spirit 
of  the  organization  consists  in  a  burning  hatred  of  the  internal 
as  well  as  the  external  enemies  of  the  fatherland."  2  His 
patriotism  was  accompanied  by  an  ardent  religious  exaltation, 
and  gradually  he  became  visionary,  manifesting  an  inclination 
toward  the  exceptional  and  the  fantastic.  In  April  1816  while 
taking  the  sacrament  with  his  parents  he  noted  in  his  diary: 
"O,  if  only  I  could  die  this  very  moment  for  some  noble  pur 
pose."  3  At  times  he  became  taciturn,  then  peevish,  and  again 
overbearing.  All  these  traits  indicate  already  an  abnormal 
psychology.  For  the  Wartburg  meeting  he  wrote  a  paper  with 
such  passages  as  the  following :  4  "We  will  be  free  in  the 
fatherland  or  die  with  it  if  God  commands  it ;"  "In  open  con 
flict  the  individual  must  oppose  evil  of  his  own  free  will  and 
on  his  own  responsibility  so  that  others  will  not  be  implicated 
in  his  action;"  and  again,  "the  rejuvenation  of  the  fatherland 
by  a  few  enlightened  youths  of  noble  nature."  Sand  seems 
to  have  known  little  about  Kotzebue  until  the  Wartburg  meet 
ing.  After  this  celebration  he  entered  the  University  of  Jena 
and  on  the  19th  of  November,  1817,  made  the  following  entry5 
in  his  diary:  "Kotzebue's  new  insults  have  been  proclaimed 
in  the  market-place.  Oh,  how  he  hates  us  patriotic  students." 
From  this  time  on  he  cherished  a  growing  dislike  for  Kotzebue 
and  this  aversion  was  inflamed  by  I^uden's  disclosure  in  the 
"Nemesis"  that  Kotzebue  was  a  spy  in  the  service  of  the  Rus 
sian  government.  His  hatred  of  Kotzebue  now  became  so  in 
tense  that  he  wrote  G  in  May,  1818 :  "When  I  consider  the 
matter  I  think  somebody  ought  to  have  courage  enough  to 

1  Biedermann,  I,  187. 

2  Ibid,  188. 

3  Ibid.,  190. 

4  Ibid.,  189. 
BJarcke,  150. 
6  Ibid. 

—  61  — 


FOLLEN  IN  EUROPE 

thrust  his  sword  through  the  body  of  Kotzebue  or  of  any  other 
such  traitor."  On  November  2,  1818,  he  wrote  as  follows  :l 
"From  self-conviction,  with  unqualified  will,  except  which 
nothing  in  this  world  is  of  value  to  me  in  the  eyes  of  God; 
to  defend  the  people's  God-given  rights  against  all  man-made 
laws  at  the  risk  of  one's  life;  to  work  to  introduce  a  pure 
humanity  among  the  German  people  by  preaching  and  dying; 
that  seems  to  me  quite  different  than  to  renounce  life  and  the 
people.  What  boundless  strength,  what  a  benediction  do  I 
feel  in  my  will!  I  tremble  no  longer!  This  is  the  condition 
of  true  likeness  to  God."  On  December  4th :  "O  the  moment 
ous  hour  when  I  decided  to  live  unconditionally  for  my  coun 
try,  when  I  broke  the  thousand  bonds  which  restrained  me 
from  dying  for  my  fatherland.  Through  my  will  I  decide  un 
conditionally,  oh  eternal  holy  God,  for  thy  kingdom,  for  free 
dom  !  Not  to  decide  to  live  from  conviction,  not  to  die  for  it, 
is  sinful ;  it  is  the  sin  of  millions."  2 

From  the  foregoing  it  seems  quite  certain  that  the  assas 
sination  of  Kotzebue  had  become  a  fixed  idea  in  the  mind  of 
Sand  nearly  a  year  before  he  ever  met  Follen,  with  whom  he 
could  not  have  become  intimately  acquainted  until  the  end  of 
October,  1818,  since  Follen  did  not  leave  Giessen  until  the 
early  part  of  that  month.3  Sand  was  a  pensive  dreamer,  long 
ing  to  commit  some  notorious  deed  and  brooding  in  secret 
over  the  question  whether  he  himself  should  take  vengeance 
on  Kotzebue  or  not.  In  this  state  of  mind  he  came  under  the 
influence  of  Follen's  teachings,  and  it  seems  very  plausible 
that  his  purpose  might  have  been  strengthened  by  them  as  the 
diary  entries  of  November  2d  and  December  4th  indicate. 
That  Sand  had  fully  decided  the  question  before  the  end  of 
the  year  is  evident  from  a  note  written  in  the  diary  on  Decem 
ber  31st,  as  follows:4  "I  am  spending  the  last  day  of  this 
year,  1818,  in  a  solemn  mood,  and  I  am  resolved  that  the 

1  Biedermann,  I,  190. 

2  Ibid. 

3  Works,  I,  67. 
'Jarcke,  150. 

—  62  — 


GERMAN  UNITY 

Christmas  which  I  have  just  celebrated  will  have  been  my 
last.  If  anything  is  to  come  of  our  efforts;  if  the  cause  of 
humanity  is  to  prevail  in  our  fatherland ;  if  in  this  momentous 
time  enthusiasm  is  to  revive  again  in  our  country  and  every 
thing  not  be  forgotten  again,  then  the  traitor  and  seducer  of 
youth,  A.  v.  K.,  must  fall — this  I  fully  recognize."  Even  if 
Pollen's  doctrine  of  political  assassination  did  serve  to  con 
firm  Sand  in  his  resolution  it  can  hardly  be  assumed  that  the 
acquaintance  between  them  at  this  time  had  become  intimate 
enough  to  permit  him  to  suggest  to  Sand  the  commission  of 
any  special  act  even  if  he  himself  did  have  such  a  project  in 
mind,  which  is  highly  improbable. 

For  a  time  Sand  seemed  to  waver  in  his  resolution,  "pray 
ing  that  God  would  save  him  from  this  act,"  as  he  testified  at 
his  trial,1  "and  hoping  that  somebody  else  would  commit  the 
deed;"  but  after  meditating  again  upon  the  sad  condition  of 
the  country  he  finally  wrote  in  his  diary :  "Ye  princes,  why 
do  you  force  me  to  this  act,"  and  then  renewed  his  resolve, 
considering  it  "a  call  from  God,  which  I  dare  not  dis 
regard."  Before  leaving  Jena  to  carry  out  his  project  against 
Kotzebue,  who  was  then  living  in  Mannheim,  Sand  wrote  a 
long  letter  to  his  Jena  friends,  informing  them  of  his  inten 
tions  and  exonerating  them  from  all  suspicion.  This  letter 
along  with  another  document,  "Todesstoss  Kotzebues,"  en 
closed  in  one  package  and  addressed  to  the  Burschenschaft, 
was  found  in  Sand's  unlocked  desk  after  the  crime  had  been 
committed.  Whether  he  left  this  package  in  his  desk  or 
whether  he  gave  it  to  someone  else  to  place  there  after  the 
commission  of  the  crime  could  not  be  determined.  In  addi 
tion  to  this  he  left  behind  a  second  package  containing  a  letter 
to  his  parents  and  also  three  letters  addressed  to  three  differ 
ent  newspapers;  these  three  letters  contained  copies  of  the 
"Todesstoss"  and  a  justification  of  his  contemplated  crime. 
Sand  spent  two  weeks  on  the  journey  to  Mannheim,  and  the 
fact  that  the  letter  to  his  parents  was  posted  at  Jena  and 
reached  its  destination  after  the  commission  of  the  crime 

1  Biedermann,  I,  200. 

—  63  — 


FOLLEN  IN  EUROPE 

proves  that  it  had  been  entrusted  to  some  friend  to  mail.  A 
number  of  Sand's  friends  were  arrested  as  accomplices,  among 
them  Pollen,  who  was  tried  first  in  Weimar  in  May  and  in  the 
following  October  at  Mannheim,  but  in  the  long  trying  ex 
amination,  in  which  he  was  confronted  by  Sand,  no  legal  evi 
dence  was  found  against  him.  Sand  stoutly  maintained  that 
he  had  no  accomplice  or  confidant,  that  he  had  planned  and 
carried  out  the  deed  without  the  aid  or  knowledge  of  any  in 
dividual  or  any  secret  organization.  When  called  upon  to  ex 
plain  how  the  letter  to  his  parents  had  been  sent  from  Jena 
after  he  had  departed  from  there  he  replied  that  he  had  left 
it  in  the  care  of  his  friend,  Friedrich  Asmis.  With  tears  in 
his  eyes  the  latter  protested  his  innocence,  whereupon  Sand 
finally  admitted  that  he  had  turned  the  package  over  to  Pollen 
to  deliver  to  Asmis.  This  in  turn  was  stubbornly  denied  by 
Pollen.  If  it  be  granted  for  the  sake  of  argument  that  Sand 
did  actually  entrust  Pollen  with  the  posting  of  this  letter  at  a 
given  date  it  does  not  necessarily  follow,  as  Hausenstein x 
points  out,  that  the  latter  had  any  knowledge  of  Sand's  inten 
tions.  If  Sand  did  leave  the  first  package  in  his  open  desk 
it  could  easily  have  been  discovered  and  delivered  to  the  Bur- 
schenschaft  in  time  to  prevent  him  from  carrying  out  his  pro 
ject.  Therefore  it  seems  more  reasonable  to  suppose  that,  if 
he  was  discreet,  he  entrusted  it  to  some  friend  with  instruc 
tions  to  place  it  in  his  desk  after  a  given  time.  Even  if  it  be 
assumed  that  this  friend  was  Pollen  it  does  not  prove  that 
he  was  Sand's  confidant.  The  trial  established  the  fact  also 
that  Pollen  had  loaned  Sand  the  money  for  his  journey,  but 
this  likewise  does  not  by  any  means  indicate  that  he  had  the 
least  knowledge  of  Sand's  project  or  even  of  his  eventual 
destination. 

After  the  facts  brought  out  by  the  foregoing  discussion 
the  testimony  of  some  of  Pollen's  and  Sand's  associates  must 
next  be  examined.  Not  long  after  Sand  had  paid  the  penalty 
for  his  crime  Johannes  Wit,  whom  Pollen  had  befriended  in 
many  ways  in  Jena,  published  a  pamphlet  in  which  he  pro- 

i  Suddeutsche  Monatshefte,  1906,  II,  200. 


GERMAN  UNITY 

fessed  to  disclose  the  schemes  of  the  liberal  party,  branding 
Pollen  especially  as  a  dangerous  revolutionist  and  as  the  in 
stigator  of  the  Kotzebue  murder.  Wit  had  professed  the 
greatest  devotion  to  Follen,  but  when  he  saw  that  he  had  at 
tached  himself  to  a  failing  cause  he  went  over  to  the  side  of 
its  enemies  in  order  to  save  himself  from  danger.  Wit  was 
a  political  renegade  of  the  first  rank,  and  even  such  historians 
as  Treitschke  3  admit  that  little  credence  can  be  given  to  his 
statements.  Although  the  Jena  students  found  Wit  an  agree 
able  companion  they  considered  him  so  unreliable,  as  Leo  re 
ports,2  that  they  did  not  take  him  into  their  confidence  con 
cerning  their  private  matters,  although  he  considered  himself 
the  chief  actor  in  all  that  took  place.  According  to  Rechtlieb 
Zeitgeist 3  many  of  them  regarded  him  as  a  spy  in  the  service 
of  his  uncle,  Baron  Eckstein,  who  was  at  that  time  Inspector 
General  of  the  French  police.  However  this  may  be  it  may 
safely  be  assumed  that  Follen  was  too  discreet  to  disclose  to 
such  a  notably  unstable  character  as  Wit  plans  of  various 
assassinations,  as  the  latter  asserts,4  had  he  entertained  such 
thoughts. 

To  Wit's  attack  upon  Follen  Wesselhoft  replied  in  his  Teut- 
sche  Jugend,  admitting  that  Follen  advocated  political  assassi 
nation  in  theory,  but  denying  that  he  was  actively  engaged  in 
an  attempt  to  put  the  doctrine  into  actual  practice.  Treitschke5 
calls  Wesselhoft's  defense  of  Follen  nothing  but  a  cleverly 
written  misleading  lawyer's  plea.  Wesselhoft  was  indeed  a 
friend  and  admirer  of  Follen  and  belonged  to  his  circle  of 
Jena  friends,  but  by  no  means  countenanced  his  Jesuitical 
principles  and  his  doctrine  of  unconditionally.6  If  he  had 

1  Cf.  Deutsche  Geschichte  im  19.  Jahrhundert,  II,  522. 

2  Meine  Jugendseit,  179. 

3  Demagogische  Umtriebe,  II,  691. 

4  Fragment e,  I,  29ff. 

5  Deutsche  Geschichte,  II,  522. 

6  Teutsche  Jugend,  88f . :    "We  took  a  hearty  interest  in  Follen  and 
remained  his   friends  even  after  we  felt  called  upon  to  say  to  him : 
From  henceforth  we  are  against  you. — His  whole  being  and  thinking 

—  65  — 


POLLEN  IN  EUROPE 

actually  subscribed  to  them  Treitschke's  unfavorable  comment 
on  his  defense  of  Follen  would  carry  more  weight  than  it 
otherwise  does. 

Probably  the  most  thorough  and  non-partisan  discussion 
of  Sand's  deed  is  Jarcke's  psychologic-criminalistic  analysis  l 
published  in  1824.  Jarcke  holds  that  Sand's  life  fully  proves 
that  the  crime  had  its  origin  in  the  intellectual  life  then  preva 
lent  at  the  universities,  and  not  merely  in  a  narrow  circle.  Not 
all  who  embraced  the  movement  were  as  radical  as  Sand  or 
would  have  countenanced  assassination  to  realize  their  politi 
cal  aims.  Many  started  from  the  same  premises  as  Sand,  but 
the  latter  was  carried  along  irresistably  by  the  intellecual  cur 
rent.  It  is,  however,  a  wrong  conception,  Jarcke  maintains, 
to  believe  that  those  false  political  maxims  had  their  origin 
in  certain  individuals,  or  that  the  evil  could  be  overcome  by 
getting  rid  of  these  false  teachers.  To  be  sure  individuals 
could  appear  as  the  representatives  of  the  intellectual  tendency 
and  could  contribute  to  it,  but  the  source  of  the  erroneous 
thoughts  lies  deeper.  What  seems  like  the  evil  will  of  indi 
viduals  in  an  erroneous,  suddenly  appearing  intellectual  move 
ment  is  merely,  as  Jarcke  explains  it,  the  product  of  a  long 
chain  of  circumstances  which  are  independent  of  individual, 
human  plans  and  aims.  Thus  the  revolutionary  movement 
must  be  distinguished  carefully  from  a  mere  dissatisfaction 
with  rulers  and  political  conditions.  Jarcke  believes  that  it 
was  the  necessary  product  of  that  intellectual  movement  that 
placed  the  human  Ego  in  the  foreground  and  made  human 
reason  the  law  of  the  free  man,  for  this  conception  of  life 
places  authority  not  in  God,  but  in  the  reason — the  reason  of 


was  penetrated  by  a  moral  conviction  which  was  in  perfect  unity  with 
itself,  which  had  become  truth  and  certainty  to  him.  without  which  he 
could  not  be  what  he  is,  could  not  become  and  remain  good  and  noble. 
— He  would  willingly  have  attained  in  a  peaceful  manner  what  he 
deemed  indispensably  necessary  for  his  country  and  people  if  there  had 
been  the  slightest  chance  of  his  succeeding,  but  he  held  himself  pre 
pared  for  war  as  soon  as  peace  was  broken.  Never,  however,  did  he 
act  in  defiance  of  lawful  organizations.  He  denied  only  the  justice  of 
police  authority,  which  he  looked  upon  as  a  misuse  of  power,  an  in 
vasion  of  the  existing  legal  constitution  and  of  civil  liberty." 

1  Karl  Ludwig  Sand  und  sein  an  Kotzebue  verubter  Mord.     262fi. 
—  66  — 


GERMAN  UNITY 

the  individual,  or  the  collective  reason  of  the  people.  This 
atheistic  system,  as  he  calls  it,  leads  to  a  republic,  and  is,  in 
his  opinion,  the  national  enemy  of  the  Christian-German  con 
ception  of  law  and  state.  From  this  standpoint,  then,  it  is  an 
error  to  consider  the  movement  of  Sand  and  his  companions 
a  momentary  aberration  of  a  few  eccentric  young  people;  it 
is  on  the  contrary  a  phenomenon  which  of  historical  necessity 
had  to  come  forth  from  deep  spiritual  motives.  But  it  would 
be  just  as  erroneous  to  treat  these  religious  and  political  errors, 
according  to  Jar  eke,  as  a  personal  malignity  of  those  who 
cherished  them,  or  to  misunderstand  the  sad  truth  that  during 
that  period  many  of  the  best  heads  and  noblest  hearts  in  the 
German  universities  were  drawn  into  the  magic  circle  of  the 
revolutionary  movement.  The  fact  can  and  must  not  be 
passed  over  in  silence  that  many  of  the  best  youths  who  at 
that  time  cherished  the  false  theories  became  afterwards  the 
noblest  and  best  men.  When  one  considers  how  widely  that 
movement  was  disseminated  it  is  certain,  in  Jarcke's  judgment, 
that  Sand  received  from  all  his  companions  of  like  persuasion 
countless  outer  suggestions  and  impulses  to  his  crime.  By 
the  nature  of  the  case  it  must,  however,  remain  inscrutable 
as  to  who  perhaps  involuntarily  stimulated  him,  who  perhaps 
instigated  him  unintentionally  against  the  victim  of  his  fanati 
cism,  what  unintentional  assertion  hastened  him  on  the  path  he 
had  chosen.  "And  so  in  my  opinion,"  Jarcke  concludes,1  "the 
main  cause  of  the  crime  was  Sand's  desire  to  do  some  striking 
deed  that  would  astonish  the  nation  and  at  the  same  time 
would  serve  as  a  shining  example  to  his  friends  and  compan 
ions  ;  the  second  and  more  remote  cause  was  his  religious 
political  system,  and  it  lay  rather  in  accidental  circumstances 
that  his  longed-for  great  deed  was  the  assassination  of  Kotze- 
bue." 

The  report  of  the  Central  Investigation  Commission  at 
Mainz,  which  was  appointed  to  inquire  into  the  whole  revolu 
tionary  movement,  and  also  the  investigation  instituted  by  the 
Prussian  government,  showed  conclusively  that  Sand's  deed 

i  Ibid.,  150. 

—  67  — 


FOLLEN  IN  EUROPE 

was  not  the  result  of  any  secret  propaganda.  This  verdict 
was  accepted  as  final  until  Friedrich  Miinch's  1  disclosures 
again  opened  up  the  controversy.  In  1873,  more  than  half  a 
centuiy  after  the  event,  Munch,  who  had  taken  at  least  some 
part  in  the  Giessen  Burschenschaft  movement,  felt  constrained 
to  reveal  what  he  alleges  to  be  a  true  version  of  the  affair. 
According  to  his  account 2  the  murder  of  Kotzebue  was  not 
merely  the  deed  of  a  fanatic  who  felt  himself  divinely  ap 
pointed  to  rid  the  land  of  tyrants,  but  that  it  was  the  result 
of  a  plan  coolly  concocted  by  Follen  and  his  friends.  He 
asserts  further 3  that  Pollen's  younger  brother,  Paul,  had  a 

1  Friedrich  Munch  (1799-1881)  was  associated  with  Paul  Follen  in 
organizing  the  Giessen  Emigration  Society  and  came  to  Warren  County, 
Mo.,  in  1834,  where  he  spent  the  remainder  of  his  life. 

2  "Erinnerungen"  :    Gesammelte  Schriften,  56f . :    "Eine  Revolution 
direkt  zu  machen,  ging  nicht  an.     Aber  einen  allgemein  als  Verrater 
an  der  deutschen  Ehre  und  Freiheit  gebrandmarkten  Menschen  in  der 
moglichst  auffallenden  Weise  zu  strafen  und  aus  dem  Wege  zu  schaf- 
fen,  dadurch  die  ganze  Nation  zum  Gefiihl  ihrer  Schmach  machtig  auf- 
zuregen,  Tausende  anzufeuern,  dass  sie,   dem  gegebenen  Beispiel  fol- 
gend,  auch  ihre  Dolche  blitzen  liessen,  wonach  dann  das  Folk  zu  den 
Waff  en  greifen  und  alls  seine  Plager  totschlagen  wilrde    (italics   are 
mine) — das  schien  erreichbar  und  tunlich. — Das  Falsche  in  der  Berech- 
nung  riihrt  daher,   dass   Follen  bei   aller   sonstigen   Einsicht   doch   die 
Masse  des  Volkes,  seine  Stimmung  und  Anschauung  nicht  kannte.    Und 
warum  verrichtete  Follen  die  Tat  nicht  selbst  ?    Aus  reiner  Oekonomie ; 
denn  der  Gedanke  der  Selbstaufopferung  war  ihm  in  der  Tat  einer  der 
Hebsten.     Ihm  war  aber  eine  hohere  Aufgabe  gestellt,  seiner  konnte 
die  kiinftige  Revolution  als  ihres  Fiihrers  nicht  entbehren,  —  cr  musste 
fiir  das  Schwerere,  das  noch  kommen  sollte,  sich  erhalten.     Hatte  er 
dies  sich  nicht  selbst  gesagt,  so  sagte  Sand  es  ihm  jedenfalls,  und  er 
musste  die  Tat  dem  Freunde  iiberlassen,  der  eben  dafiir  und  nicht  fur 
noch  Bedeutenderes  sich  befahigt  hielt." 

3  Ibid.,  96ff. :    "Wie  Karl  Follen  der  Tat  Sands  nicht  feme  ge- 
standen  hatte,   so   stand   Paul   dem   Attentat   von   Lohning  wohl   auch 
naher.     War  Sands  Tat  von  Jena  ausgegangen,   so  musste  die  zweite 
der  Ordnung  gemass  von  Giessen  aus  erf  olgen.  —  So  sassen  dcnn   in 
dem  Hinterstiibchen  einer  Dorfschenke  an  der  Grenze  von  Hessen  und 
Nassau    in   nachtlicher    Beratung    drei    Manner    zusammen,    einer    aus 
Giessen  — derjenige,  welcher  dort  Karl  Follen' s  Geist  am  meisten  ver- 
trat  —  dann   Pfarrer  F.  aus  der  Wetterau  und  der  Apothekergehiilfe 
Lohning,  welcher  erst  seit  Kurzem  aus  innerem  Drange  die  Bekannt- 
schaft   der   Vaterlandsfreunde  gesucht   und    sich    ihnen    angeschlossen 
hatte.    Man  einigte  sich  dariiber,  dass  Ibell  fallen  miisse  und  wollte  das 
Loos  dariiber  entscheiden  lassen,  welcher  von  den  Dreien  das  Urteil 
vollstrecken  sollte.     Es  fiel   auf   den  ersten  der  drei   Genannten,   aber 
Lohning  fiihrte  iiberzeugend  aus,  dass  mit  Recht  ihm,   dem  naheren 
Landsmann  Ibells.  die  Rolle  des  Rachers  zukomme,  und  forderte  die 
Tat  fiir  sich." 

—  68  — 


GERMAN  UNITY 

hand  in  planning  the  assassination  of  von  Ibell.  Following 
Miinch's  statements,  upon  which  he  relies  unreservedly, 
Treitschke  paints  a  very  sinister  portrait 1  of  Follen,  condemn 
ing  him  first  of  all  on  purely  circumstantial  evidence ;  although 
he  admits  that  guilt  in  the  strict  judicial  sense  cannot  be 
proved,  he  accepts  Miinch's  verdict 2  to  the  contrary.  It  is 
well  known  that  Treitschke  was  one  of  the  strongest  cham 
pions  of  the  monarchic  principle,  that  he  denied  the  right  of 
the  people  to  self-government,  and  that  he  was  the  sworn  en 
emy  of  republicanism;  therefore  it  is  not  surprising  to  find 
his  account  of  Follen  colored  by  political  prejudice.  Without 
doubt  his  condemnation  of  Follen  is  too  severe,  as  Haupt 3 
observes,  and  this  is  the  more  to  be  regretted  since  the  state 
ments  of  such  a  recognized  authority  carries  great  weight. 

It  now  remains  to  examine  the  testimony  of  Munch,  first 
in  regard  to  specific  statements  and  then  concerning  its  gen 
eral  credibility. 

1  Deutsche  Geschichte  im  19.  Jahrhundert,  II,  522 :   "Sicherlich  hat 
der  unselige  Mensch    (Sand)    geglaubt,   dass   er  seinen  Entschluss  in 
voller  Freiheit  gefasst  habe,  denn  nur  die  aus  eigener  Ueberzeugung 
entspringende  Tat  Hess  er  entgelten ;  es  ist  aber  psychologisch  unmog- 
lich,  dass  der  menschenkundige  Karl  Follen,  der  mit  seinem  Basilisken- 
blick  den  wehrlosen  Schwachkopf  vollkommen  beherrschte  und  in  die- 
ser  diirftigen  Seele  wie  in  einem  offenen   Buche   las,   den   Mordplan 
nicht  bemerkt  und  befordert  haben  sollte.     So  gewiss  die  Aehre  dem 
Saatkorn  entspriesst,  eben  so  gewiss  erscheint  der  Prediger  des  politi- 
schen  Mordes  vor  dem  sittlichen  Urteil  der  Geschichte  als  der  Urheber 
der  Ermordung  Kotzebues.    Ein  Mitwisser  des  gefassten  Entschlusses 
war  er  unzweif elhaf  t ;  er  verschaffte  das  Reisegeld  f iir  die  Wanderf ahrt 
nach  Mannheim;  unterrichtete  seine  Getreuen  in  alien  Schlichen  und 
Kniffen  des  Kriminalprozesses  und  belehrte  sie  sorgsam  iiber  ihr  Ver- 
halten  vor  dem  Untersuchungsrichter." 

2  Ibid.,  II,  522 :    "Diese  Tatsachen  mussten  unglaubhaft  erscheinen, 
so  lange  sie  nur  durch  die  Denkwiirdigkeiten  des  elenden  Denunzian- 
ten  Wit  von  Doring,  bezeugt  waren;  heute  lassen  sie  sich  nicht  mehr 
bezweifeln,  seit  ein  vertrauter  Freund  der  Gebruder  Follen,  Friedrich 
Munch,  sie  wiederholt  auf  das  Bestimmteste  zugegeben  hat.     Munch 
beruf t  sich  auf  vertrauliche  Mitteilungen  seines  Freundes,  Paul  Follen ; 
er  ist  ein  Mann  von  anerkannter  Rechtschaffenheit  und  ich  sehe  nicht 
ein,  warum  die  nachdrikklichen  Versicherungen  der  ehrlichen  Radi- 
kalen,   die   ohnehin  nichts   Unwahrscheinliches   enthalten,   unglaubhaft 
sein  sollen.    Das  zur  Verteidigung  Karl  Follen's  geschriebene  anonyme 
Biichlein  Teutschlands  Jug  end  in  weiland  Burschenschaften  und  Turn- 
gemeinden  (by  R.  Wesselhoft)  ist  nichts  weiter  als  eine  gewandte  un- 
aufrichtige  Advokatenschrift." 

3  Follen  und  die  Giessener  Schwarsen,  24. 

—  69  — 


POLLEN  IN  EUROPE 

Munch  states  explicitly  that  Follen  instigated  the  Kotze- 
bue  murder  not  only  to  get  rid  of  a  hated  traitor,  but  also  to 
arouse  "das  Volk  zu  den  Waffen  greifen  und  alle  seine  Plager 
totschlagen."  The  striking  resemblance  of  this  phraseology  to 
that  of  the  stanza  of  the  Great  Song  where  the  poet  ex 
claims  :  "Volk,  ins  Gewehr !"  Schlagt  eure  Plager  tot !" 
causes  one  to  wonder  whether  Miinch  is  not  constructing  a 
hypothetical  case  out  of  Pollen's  revolutionary  utterances 
rather  than  stating  an  actual  fact.  His  statement,  too,  that 
Paul  Follen  and  others  cast  lots  to  determine  who  should 
murder  von  Ibell,  and  that  in  accordance  with  a  definite  plan 
this  deed  was  to  proceed  from  Giessen  and  Sand's  from  Jena, 
should  be  accepted  with  caution.  "As  Karl  Follen  was  closely 
connected  with  Sand's  deed,  Paul  was  probably  (wohl)  more 
closely  connected  with  that  of  Lohning."  It  seems  strange 
that  Miinch  should  begin  his  account  of  the  assault  on  von 
Ibell  with  such  a  hypothetical  statement  and  close  it  with  the 
most  positive  assertions.  Stern  observes  l  that  after  Kotzebue 
was  murdered  wild  rumors  sprang  up  over  the  whole  country 
to  the  effect  that  the  students  were  casting  lots  to  determine 
which  university  should  choose  an  assassin  for  Kotzebue, 
Stourdza,  Schmalz,  etc. ;  and  in  view  of  the  fact  that  Munch's 
story  is  identical  with  these  rumors,  which  were  proved 
groundless,  one  is  tempted  to  conclude  that  his  recollections 
are  somewhat  clouded  or  that  his  story  is,  as  Biedermann  2 
suggests,  a  myth  altogether. 

Although  Wit  was  Pollen's  chief  accuser  he  confesses  s 
that  the  latter  was  by  no  means  cruel  or  blood-thirsty  by  na 
ture,  that  he  was  in  no  way  connected  with  the  attempt  against 
von  Ibell's  life,  that  he  cared  nothing  about  so  unimportant  a 
man  as  Kotzebue,  that  he  was  at  that  time  strongly  opposed 

1  Geschichte  Europas,  I,  557. 

2  25  Jahre  deutscher  Geschichte,  I,  206. 

3  Fragment e,  I,  37ff. :     "One  would'  do  him  a  great  injustice  to  re 
gard  the  projected  murder  of  von  Ibell  as  his  work.     This  was  due 
without  question  to  the  hatred  of  the  Unconditional  against  the  dis 
tinguished  statesman,  who  was  considered  responsible  for  the  dismissal 
of   criminal  judge,   Wm.   Snell."     Snell   was   also   a   revolutionist   and 
closely  connected  with  the  Giessen  Blacks. 

_  70  — 


GERMAN  UNITY 

to  assassination  because  he  knew  well  that  the  people  would 
thereby  turn  against  the  cause  in  whose  interest  it  was  com 
mitted,  and  that  if  he  did  in  spite  of  that  send  Sand  to  murder 
Kotzebue  it  was  done  to  see  how  the  people  would  regard  it. 
Wit  supplements  this  statement  by  another  to  the  effect  that 
one  of  Sand's  friends  sought  in  1820  to  borrow  money  from 
Follen  in  order  to  go  to  Baden  to  assassinate  the  Grand  Duke 
out  of  revenge  for  Sand's  execution,  but  that  Follen  with 
great  difficulty  dissuaded  him  from  his  purpose. 

As  further  evidence  against  Munch's  statements  Wolf 
gang  Menzel,  who  was  well  acquainted  with  Follen  in  Jena, 
but  did  not  share  his  views,  testified  as  follows  *  a  few  years 
after  Munch's  disclosures  were  published :  "People  have  slan 
dered  the  Unconditionals  by  saying  that  they  cast  lots  to  see 
who  should  murder  Kotzebue,  but  those  young  men  were  not 
so  depraved  as  that.  Sand  made  the  resolve  of  his  own  accord 
after  he  had  strengthened  his  stoical  courage  in  Follen's  club, 
but  in  no  way  had  he  received  any  instruction  regarding  any 
definite  act. — Sand  was  capable  of  such  a  decision  of  his  own 
accord;  it  was  the  result  of  his  religious  enthusiasm.  Had 
anybody  sought  to  persuade  him  to  do  what  he  did  not  feel 
impelled  to  do  spontaneously  he  would  have  refused."  z 

A  few  years  after  Menzel's  account  appeared  Heinrich 
Leo  published  his  memoirs,  which  also  place  Munch's  state 
ments  in  a  doubtful  light.  It  should  be  borne  in  mind  that 
Wesselhoft,  Menzel,  and  Leo  actually  associated  with  Follen 
and  Sand  in  Jena  and  speak  from  first-hand  knowledge,  while 
Munch  was  at  that  time  in  Giessen  125  miles  away;  and  the 
fact  that  these  men  did  not  agree  with  Follen  in  his  radical 
doctrines  would  tend  to  remove  any  suspicion  that  their  testi 
mony  was  biased  in  his  favor.  Leo  lived  in  the  same  house 
with  Sand  and  was  most  intimately  acquainted  with  him. 
Contrary  to  Wit,  who  says  that  himself,  Follen  and  Sand  were 
the  only  bona  fide  Unconditionals  in  Jena,  Leo  asserts  *  that 

1  Denkwurdigkeiten,  129. 

2  Cf .  Sand's  own  statement  in  his  diary  entry  for  Nov.  2,  1818. 

3  Meine  Jugendzeit,  186. 

—  71  — 


POLLEN  IN  EUROPE 

there  were  still  others,  that  while  Sand  was  an  Unconditional, 
as  his  deed  proves,  he  was  never  a  member  of  Pollen's  narrower 
circle,  but  dawdled  around  in  a  certain  dilletantism  of  Teuton- 
ism  and  free  thought  without  having  any  fixed  theory ;  hence 
he  was  not  relied  upon  by  his  friends  for  any  practical  end. 
Leo  states  emphatically  that  the  questions  of  unconditionality 
and  of  political  assassination  were  discussed  not  only  in  Pol 
len's  club,  but  in  other  circles  all  over  Jena,  and  expresses  his 
belief  that  Sand  was  induced  by  these  discussions  to  determine 
by  experiment  whether  the  people  would  approve  of  such  vio 
lent  revolutionary  measures  or  not.  Upon  hearing  the  remark 
of  a  certain  Jena  professor,  that  some  enthusiast  or  other 
would  take  vengeance  on  Kotzebue  for  his  traitorous  conduct 
Sand  replied  to  Leo,1  that  it  would  certainly  be  a  good  oppor 
tunity  to  test  the  question  as  to  what  sort  of  impression  a 
political  murder  would  make.  According  to  Leo2  Wit's  story3 
concerning  Pollen's  alleged  plan  to  assassinate  the  Czar  of 
Russia  was  due  to  a  farcical  discussion  of  that  subject  to  test 
the  courage  of  a  few  who  seemed  to  be  wavering  in  their 
conviction.  Wit  was  one  of  the  innocent  victims  of  this  mock 
debate.  Leo  relates  further  *  that  on  the  day  Sand's  deed  was 
reported  in  Jena  the  town  was  so  excited  that  it  would  have 
been  easy  to  find  dozens  of  men  to  commit  a  like  act.  The 
fact  that  all  these  dozens  of  men  did  not  belong  to  Pollen's 
circle,  that  political  assassination  was  discussed  outside  of 
Pollen's  circle,  would  indicate  plainly  that  there  were  other 
sources  besides  Pollen  from  which  Sand  could  have  been  in 
fluenced.  Leo's  final  verdict 5  is  that  Sand  had  no  confidant, 
and  was  aided  only  in  an  indirect  way. 

Now  as  to  the  general  reliability  of  Munch 's  testimony: 
The  value  of  any  historical  source  depends  not  only  upon  the 
capability  and  the  good  will  of  the  writer  to  tell  the  truth,  but 

1  Ibid.,  220. 

2  Ibid,  180f . 

3  Fragmente,  I,  29fi. 

4  Meine  Jugendzeit,  188. 

5  Ibid.,  188. 

—  72  - 


GERMAN   UNITY 

also  upon  the  relative  demonstrability  of  the  truth  of  what  he 
recounts.  If  the  truth  cannot  be  positively  demonstrated  then 
probability  or  even  possibility  must  be  taken  as  the  criterion. 
But  one  condition  is  necessary  before  a  source  can  be  recog 
nized  as  original,  that  is,  it  must  bear  the  stamp  of  independ 
ence.  There  seems  to  be  no  reason  for  doubting  Miinch's  hon 
esty,  but  the  same  cannot  be  said  concerning  his  ability.  And 
why?  In  the  first  place,  he  was  not  on  the  scene  of  action; 
the  story  he  tells  is  hear-say  evidence  related  to  him  years 
after  the  events  themselves ;  while  his  publication  of  it  to  the 
world  was  made  still  many  more  years  later,  after  his  memory 
had  become  clouded  as  he  several  times  admits  in  the  course 
of  his  narrative.  As  to  the  truth  of  his  report  it  cannot  be 
demonstrated;  it  is  possible,  but  in  view  of  the  evidence 
already  introduced  it  seems  improbable.  Munch  claims  *  that 
his  account  of  Pollen's  European  career  is  original  and  inde 
pendent:  "Of  no  part  of  my  life,"  to  use  his  own  words,  "do 
I  have  such  a  keen  recollection  as  of  that  which  I  spent  with 
my  youthful  companions.  Therein  I  possess  for  this  sketch 
such  a  rich  and  trustworthy  source  as  few  biographers  have 
at  their  disposal.  Besides,  I  have  lived  long  enough  and  ex 
perienced  enough  to  enable  me  to  form  an  independent  judg 
ment  of  circumstances  and  persons."  Whether  this  statement 
actually  squares  with  Hunch's  narrative  is  a  question  which 
J.  Hermann  has  thoroughly  discussed  in  his  "Kritik  der  Nach- 
richten  iiber  die  Attentate  von  1819."  2 

For  that  part  of  his  account  which  deals  with  Pollen's 
American  career  Munch  had  of  necessity  to  depend  wholly 
upon  the  biography  of  Mrs.  Pollen.  Concerning  Pollen's  per 
sonal  appearance,  his  moral  character,  and  his  philosophical 
principles  he  quotes  Wesselhoft  verbatim,  admitting3  in  a  foot 
note  that  he  is  "compelled  to  quote  from  an  English  transla 
tion."  The  fact  that  there  was  no  other  translation  of  Wessel- 
hoft's  work  than  the  extracts  given  in  Mrs.  Pollen's  biography 

1  Gesammelte  Schriften,  40. 

2  Cf .  Forschungen  zur  deutschen  Geschichte,  XXIII,  573-592. 

3  Gesammelte  Schriften,  60. 

-  73  — 


FOLLEN  IN  EUROPE 

shows  that  Munch  made  use  of  this  biography  also  as  a  source 
for  his  account  of  Pollen's  European  career.  Taking  this  as 
his  first  clew  Hermann  carefully  analyses  M {inch's  account, 
comparing  many  passages  side  by  side  with  extracts  from 
Wesselhoft's  and  Mrs.  Follen's  narratives.  This  comparison 
shows  that  Munch  has  contributed  nothing  except  the  alleged 
new  information  concerning  the  assassination  of  Kotzebue  and 
von  Ibell  and  a  few  minor  matters  connected  with  the  Giessen 
movement,  some  of  which  either  from  lack  of  first-hand  knowl 
edge  or  from  faulty  memory  are  inaccurately  portrayed.  The 
rest  of  his  account  consists  for  the  most  part  in  translation 
direct  from  Mrs.  Follen  and  Wesselhoft,  or  in  paraphrases 
with  certain  expressions  retained  which  betray  their  origin. 
This  proves,  according  to  Hermann,1  that  Munch's  account  of 
Follen's  life  in  Germany  is  in  the  main  taken  from  Mrs.  Follen, 
and  cannot  therefore,  contrary  to  Munch's  own  claims,  be 
regarded  as  an  original  and  independent  source ;  hence  his 
version  of  Sand's  deed  must  be  considered  at  least  as  improb 
able.  Hausenstein  2  is  of  the  opinion  that  Hermann  is  hyper 
critical  and  hence  unjust,  but  admits  that  he  himself  is  sur 
prised  at  Munch's  omission  of  all  details  of  the  Kotzebue 
assassination  and  at  his  surprising  generalizations.  Jastrow,3 
on  the  other  hand,  believes  that  Hermann's  "searching  crit 
ique"  has  rendered  Munch's  testimony  wholly  inadmissible. 

In  conclusion,  one  more  argument  may  be  brought  for 
ward  for  consideration :  Most  of  those  who  have  argued  for 
or  against  the  probability  of  Follen's  implication  in  the 
Kotzebue  affair  have  been  guided  wholly  by  their  knowledge 
of  his  European  career  only.  Those  who  believe  that  he  cher 
ished  bloody  designs  against  the  German  rulers  base  their 
arguments  for  the  most  part  on  his  radical  revolutionary  doc 
trine.  He  did  indeed  advocate  the  overthrow  of  despotism 
through  assassination  if  necessary,  but  it  is  quite  probable,  as 
already  suggested,  that  many  of  his  rabid  utterances  were  for 

1  Forschungen,  XXIII,  579. 

2  Siiddeutsche  Monatshefte,  1906,   II,  199. 

3  Gcschichte  des  deutschen  Einheitstraumes,  330. 

—  74  — 


GERMAN   UNITY 

the  most  part  "harmless  braggadocia,"  to  quote  the  words  of 
Jarcke.1  An  analysis  of  his  whole  life  and  character  speaks 
eloquently  against  the  assumption  that  he  ever  seriously  coun 
tenanced  the  practical  application  of  his  stern  theory.  Treit- 
schke  states  that  it  was  "psychologically  impossible  for  him 
not  to  have  promoted  Sand's  murderous  scheme."  Indirectly? 
Possibly.  Using  Treitschke's  own  argument  it  is  only  fair  to 
insist  that  it  was  psychologically  impossible  for  Pollen  to  have 
intentionally  and  knowingly  brought  about  Kotzebue's  death. 
In  the  first  place  he  was  too  shrewrd  to  run  the  risk  of  com 
mitting  an  act  which  would  be  sure  to  crush  the  revolutionary 
movement,  as  Sand's  deed  really  did;  in  the  second  place,  his 
whole  nature  would  have  cried  out  against  such  a  useless  shed 
ding  of  blood.  Not  only  Pollen's  youthful  companions,  but 
especially  his  American  friends  unanimously  agree  that  he 
was  one  of  the  kindliest,  purest,  and  noblest  characters  they 
had  ever  known.  Both  from  the  standpoint  of  his  ethical  sys 
tem  and  from  the  bottom  of  his  heart  he  reverenced  human 
life  above  all  things;  he  would  even  step  out  of  his  path  to 
avoid  crushing  the  ugliest  worm,  believing  that  it  too  was  a 
spark  of  the  divine  life.  Had  his  hands  been  stained  with 
human  blood,  especially  with  that  of  so  harmless  a  man  as 
Kotzebue,  he  could  hardly  have  passed  through  life  as  a  teacher 
of  Christlike  perfection  without  betraying  at  some  time  in 
some  way  his  duplicity,2  for  "his  heart  was  always  on  his 
tongue,"  as  Wesselhoft  expresses  it,  and  all  are  agreed  that 
hypocrisy  was  foreign  to  his  nature. 

In  view  therefore  of  all  the  foregoing  considerations  it 
seems  safe  to  assume  that  Pollen  was  innocent  until  better 
proof  than  that  which  Munch  and  Treitschke  have  given  can 
be  adduced  to  the  contrary.3  But  however  that  may  be,  one 

1  Karl  Ludwig  Sand,  Chap.  3. 

2  After  completing  this  chapter   I   found  this  conclusion  corrobo 
rated  by  Max  Lenz  in  his  Geschichte  der  Universitat  Berlin,  II,  49ff., 
Berlin,  1910. 

3  This  statement,  too,  I  later  found  corroborated  by  Charles  Seig- 
nobos  in  his  Political  History  of  Europe  since  1814,  p.  385,  N.  Y.,  1900. 
He  says :    "Treitschke,  deceived  by  the  false  account  given  by  Munch, 
believed  there  was  a  revolutionary  conspiracy." 

—  75  — 


FOI.LEN  IX  EUROPE 

thing  is  certain  :  Even  if  his  head  was  not  level  on  the  subject 
of  political  theory,  even  if  his  tongue  was  at  times  unruly,  his 
heart  was  always  in  the  right  place ;  and  the  irrepressible 
enthusiasm  of  this  tempestuous  struggle  of  his  youth  was  fol 
lowed  by  a  career  of  the  serenest  virtue. 

IN    POLITICAL    EXIUv. 

Owing  to  the  notoriety  occasioned  by  his  supposed  con 
nection  with  the  assassination  of  Kotzebue  Follen  was  removed 
from  his  position  in  the  University  of  Jena  in  the  autumn  of 
1819.  As  an  object  of  suspicion  to  many  he  now  returned  to 
Giessen,  but  was  from  this  time  on  under  constant  police  sur 
veillance.  In  view  of  the  hopeless  political  outlook,  and  con 
vinced  too  that  he  was  no  longer  safe  in  Germany,  he  now 
conceived  the  idea  of  emigrating  to  the  United  States  to  con 
tinue  there  his  efforts  on  behalf  of  political  reform  in  his  native 
land.  To  this  end  he  entered  into  communication  with  a  few 
of  his  faithful  political  friends  who  had  associated  with  him 
in  the  Giessen  Burschenschaft  movement,  discussing  with  them 
plans,  which  he  had  already  sketched,  for  the  founding  of  a 
German  republic  in  America. 

The  main  argument a  of  this  memorial  ~  was,  that  since 
all  efforts  to  meliorate  the  intolerable  political  conditions  under 
which  Germany  was  languishing  had  failed  the  only  alternative 
left  to  the  friends  of  liberty  was  to  found  a  German  state  in 
America  to  serve  as  an  asylum  for  political  refugees  and  as  a 
base  from  which  to  continue  the  propaganda  for  unity  and 
democracy  in  the  mother  country.  Follen  believed  that  the 
highest  task  of  the  American  commonwealth  was  to  realize  the 
ideal  of  freedom  in  its  purest  form,  but  expressed  the  belief 
that  "the  deeper  spiritual  import  of  freedom,  which  alone  can 
lay  the  foundation  of  America's  world-supremacy,  must  pro 
ceed  from  Germany,  the  center  of  all  modern  culture."  As 
a  part  of  his  comprehensive  program  a  German  educational 

1  Cf.  Haupt,  146. 

2  The  document  itself,  entitled,  Denkschrift  iiber  die  deutsche  Bil- 
dungsanstalt   in  Nordamerika,   is   preserved    only    in    the    government 
archives  at  Berlin. 

—  76  — 


GERMAN  UNITY 

institution  embracing  all  branches  of  knowledge  was  to  be 
erected  in  this  proposed  free-state  for  the  purpose  of  strength 
ening  the  German-Americans'  love  for  their  native  language, 
manners  and  customs,  and  of  maintaining  and  developing  Ger 
man  national  culture  in  general.  The  faculty  of  this  seminary 
was  to  be  selected  from  Pollen's  circle  of  political  friends, 
especially  from  those  university  professors  who  had  been  dis 
missed  on  account  of  their  liberal  political  views, — men  such 
as  Fries,  Oken,  DeWette,  Fr.  Forster  and  the  Snell  brothers. 
"In  this  manner,"  says  Follen  in  his  memorial,  "the  Germans 
of  North  America  can  be  successfully  organized  into  a  state 
to  be  represented  in  Congress,  which  shall  become  a  model  for 
the  mother  country  and  in  many  respects  render  it  an  im 
portant  service  in  freeing  it  from  the  shackles  of  tyranny." 

Through  the  activity  of  the  government  in  arresting  as 
political  agitators  a  number  of  Follen's  most  active  confed 
erates  his  American  project  had  to  be  abandoned  for  the  time 
being,  but  it  resulted  ultimately  in  the  formation  of  the  Giessen 
Emigration  Society,  which  sent  a  large  colony  to  Warren 
County,  Missouri,  under  the  direction  of  Follen's  younger 
brother  in  1833.  This  was  one  of  the  earliest  and  most  am 
bitious  of  those  many  unsuccessful  attempts1  to  found  German 
colonies  in  this  country  during  the  30's  and  40's  of  the  past 
century. 

While  Follen  was  engaged  in  maturing  his  new  plans  his 
elder  brother  and  his  friend,  Ludwig  Snell.  were  suddenly 
arrested  on  suspicion  of  promoting  revolutionary  propaganda. 
Learning  that  a  copy  of  his  memorial  had  been  found  in  Snell's 
possession  and  that  he  himself  was  to  be  arrested  on  the  charge 
of  being  its  author,  he  took  hasty  leave  of  his  family  and  fled 
across  the  French  frontier  in  the  early  part  of  January,  1820. 
The  following  verses,2  written  by  one  of  his  small  group  of 
Blacks,  or  possibly  by  himself,  may  well  express  his  emotions 

1  Cf.   T.   S.   Baker's   account   of   these   projects, — Americana   Ger- 
manica,  I,  62ff.    Baker  makes  no  mention  of  Karl  Follen  as  the  origin 
ator  of  this  colonization  movement. 

2  Cited  by  Haupt,  148. 

—  77  — 


POLLEN  IN  EUROPE 

as  he  departed  from  his  home,  henceforth  to  wander,  a  martyr 
to  the  cause  of  liberty  and  an  exile  from  his  native  land : 

Ich  selbst  ich  will  die  Freiheit  mir  bewahren, 

An  ihrem  heiligen  Flammenlicht  mich  weiden, 

Mit  diesen  Armen,   diesen  Sehnen   streiten, 

Nicht  brache  liegen  in  der  Jugend  Jahren. 

O,  wahrlich,  mir  thuts  well  von  Euch  zu  scheiden, 

Die  lieben  Berg  und  Thaler  fern  zu  missen, 

Der  alten  Vater  heilig  Grab  zu  meiden. 

Mit  Schmerz  und  Thranen  bin  ich  losgerissen. 

Ein  neues  Vaterland  geh  ich  zu  finden, 
Wo  Vater  Franklins  frische  Seele  baute, 
Die  mundige  Welt  der  eigenen  Kraft  vertraute, 
Der  Freiheit  junges  Licht  sich  will  entziinden! 
Da  drtiben  wachst  sie  auf  zur  jungen  Eiche. 
Wir  bringen  Zunder  zu  den  regen  Flamrnen, 
Zum  neuen  Kreuzzug  zum  gelobten  Reiche ! 
Rom  ist,  wo   freie   Romer  steh'n  zusammen. 

After  spending  a  few  days  in  Strassburg  Pollen  proceeded 
to  Paris  where  he  soon  made  the  acquaintance  of  such  men  as 
Lafayette,  D'Argenson,  Cousin,  Constant,  and  Gregoire.  His 
association  with  these  noted  liberals  served  first  of  all  to  dis 
pel  his  hatred  of  the  French,  which  had  been  inspired  in  the 
German  youth  by  Arndt,  broadened  his  conceptions  of  the 
brotherhood  of  mankind,  and  confirmed  him  in  his  republican 
principles.  According  to  Wit,1  who  met  him  in  Paris  at  this 
time,  his  intimate  association  with  members  of  the  French 
Comite  Directeur  led  him  to  begin  preparations  for  a  similar 
organization  in  Germany  to  cooperate  with  the  French  liberals ; 
but  his  sojourn  in  France  was  of  short  duration,  for  the  assas 
sination  of  the  Duke  of  Berry  on  the  13th  of  February,  led  to 
the  expulsion  of  all  foreigners  who  had  no  fixed  occupation. 
Believing  that  he  might  still  be  able  to  promote  the  liberal 
movement,  he  went  to  Switzerland  where  he  found  refuge 
with  the  Countess  of  Benzal-Sternau,  who  had  followed  with 
deep  interest  his  public  career  in  Germany. 

1  Fragmente,  I,  55. 

—  78  — 


GERMAN  UNITY 

In  the  autumn  of  this  same  year  Follen  secured  a  position 
as  teacher  of  L,atin  and  history  in  the  Cantonal  school  of  Chur, 
where  his  talent  and  genial  nature  won  him  the  highest  regard 
of  his  pupils  and  colleagues.  In  his  lectures  on  history  it  was 
but  natural  that  he  should  give  occasional  expression  to  his 
radical  views  on  politics  and  religion,  namely,  the  principles  of 
freedom  as  he  interpreted  them  from  the  life  of  Christ.  This 
led  to  two  momentous  results.  In  the  first  place  his  ideas  of 
political  freedom  were  again  reported  to  the  rulers  of  Ger 
many  ;  consequently  a  demand  was  made  by  the  Holy  Alliance, 
assembled  in  council  at  Troppau,  that  he  and  all  others  en 
gaged  in  revolutionary  agitation  be  handed  over  to  a  tribunal 
of  inquisition,  a  demand  to  which  the  Swiss  government 
refused  to  accede.  In  the  second  place  his  religious  views 
brought  him  into  conflict  with  the  Calvinistic  clergy.  Without 
entering  into  controversial  theology  he  had  endeavored  in  his 
lectures  simply  to  trace  the  growth  of  Christianity  and  the 
great  spiritual  revolution  effected  by  Christ's  teachings  of  the 
fatherhood  of  God  and  the  brotherhood  of  man.  This  inter 
pretation  seemed  a  bit  heretical  to  the  orthodox  party,  who 
accordingly  accused  him  of  denying  the  divinity  of  Christ,  the 
doctrine  of  original  sin,  and  the  total  depravity  of  man.  When 
he  learned  that  the  Council  of  Education  was  instituting  a 
secret  inquiry  among  his  pupils  he  requested  of  the  assembled 
evangelical  synod  a  public  hearing  to  defend  the  principles  he 
had  advanced.  This  request  was  cleverly  evaded  by  a  hasty 
adjournment  of  the  synod,  whereupon  he  forthwith  resigned 
his  position  in  the  school. 

Pollen's  reputation  as  a  scholar  and  the  highly  complimen 
tary  recommendation  *  of  the  school  board  of  Chur  secured 
for  him  an  appointment  as  lecturer  on  jurisprudence  and  meta 
physics  in  the  newly  reorganized  university  of  Basel  whither 
he  went  in  the  autumn  of  1821.  Among  the  professors  there 
he  found  several  of  his  compatriots,  who  like  himself  had  for 
political  reasons  been  obliged  to  flee  from  Germany.  In  close 
communion  with  these  kindred  spirits  he  spent  three  busy 

i  Cf .  Works,  I,  110. 

-  79  — 


FOLLEN  IN  EUROPE 

happy  years,  and  his  engagement  to  Anna  de  Lassaux1  added 
a  new  charm  to  life.  In  addition  to  his  academic  duties  he 
took  part  in  the  publication  of  DeWette's  journal,2  and  in 
private  proclaimed  his  gospel  of  freedom,  seeking  to  instill 
into  the  hearts  and  minds  of  his  students  the  doctrine  of  the 
natural  rights  of  man.  But  this  period  of  buoyant  hope  and 
joyous  promise  was  soon  to  end,  for  Karl  Follen  was  a  pro 
scribed  man. 

Switzerland  was  at  that  time  the  only  free  state  on  the 
continent,  and  from  that  stronghold  of  liberty  he  again  took 
up  his  propaganda  for  the  establishment  of  freedom  and  union 
in  his  native  land.  In  conjunction  with  a  few  of  his  friends, 
as  it  seems,3  he  founded  a  new  political  society  and  sent  von 
Sprewitz,  one  of  the  Jena  Burschenschafter,  who  was  traveling 
in  Switzerland,  to  organize  branches  in  Germany.  Although 
this  so-called  "Junglingsbund"  made  little  headway  its  exist 
ence  was  dicovered  by  the  police  in  1823.  Arrested  in  the 
spring  of  1824  as  one  of  its  promoters,  Wit  4  turned  state's 
evidence,  declaring  that  Follen  was  the  instigator  of  the  new 
movement.  Whether  this  was  true  or  not  the  Prussian  govern 
ment,  in  order  to  stifle  the  growing  spirit  of  freedom,  not  only 
forbade  its  subjects  to  attend  the  university  of  Basel,  but  in 
August,  1824,  the  Holy  Alliance  demanded  again  that  Follen 
and  others  be  handed  over  to  the  tribunal  of  Kopenick  to 
answer  to  the  charge  of  conspiring  to  subvert  the  monarchic 
status  of  Prussia.  For  a  time  the  Swiss  government  refused 
to  comply  with  this  demand,  but  when  the  intimidating  order 
was  repeated  it  was  thought  more  expedient  to  sacrifice  in 
dividuals  than  to  endanger  the  welfare  of  the  whole  state. 
Accordingly  Follen  was  requested  to  leave  the  canton,  which 

1  Cf.  Follen-Briefe — Jahrbuch  der  Deutsch-Amcrikanischen  Histo- 
rischen  Gescllschaft  von  Illinois,  XIV,  5. 

2  Zeitschrift  dcr  wissenschaftlichcn  Religion;  to  this   Follen  con 
tributed  two  treatises,  Ueber  die  Bestimmung  des  Menschen,  and  Ueber 
Spinoza's  Lehre. 

3  Haupt,  149. 

^  4  Fragments,  II,    12ff.     Rechtlieb   Zeitgeist,    II,   556ff.,   denies    that 
Foilen  set  this  movement  on  foot. 

—  80  - 


GERMAN  UNITY 

he  refused  to  do  without  a  legal  trial.  If  he  had  committed 
any  offense  he  had  the  right,  he  contended,  to  be  tried  by  a 
tribunal  of  the  state  to  which  he  belonged.  Inasmuch  as  he 
had  become  a  citizen  of  the  Republic  and  had  never  owed 
allegiance  to  the  Holy  Alliance,  he  maintained  that  the  Swiss 
government  was  neither  obliged  nor  entitled  to  deliver  him  up 
to  the  inquisition  of  Kopenick.  He  knew  very  well  that  the 
Holy  Alliance  wished  to  make  an  example  of  him  in  order  to 
deter  others  from  following  his  teachings,  and  that  imprison 
ment  or  even  death  awaited  him  should  he  be  arrested.  On 
a  previous  visit  to  Paris  his  friend,  Lafayette,  had  urged  him 
to  go  to  America,  but  he  refused  on  the  ground  that  a  volun 
tary  withdrawal  from  Basel  would  be  construed  as  a  tacit 
admission  of  guilt.  When  he  learned,  however,  that  his  arrest 
had  actually  been  ordered  and  that  his  safety  lay  only  in  flight 
he  decided  to  seek  refuge  in  the  new  world.  Before  leaving 
he  requested  of  the  university  a  public  statement  concerning 
his  conduct  in  Switzerland ;  this  was  granted,  and  the  certified 
copy1  which  was  later  sent  to  him  shows  that  he  was  held  in 
the  highest  esteem, 'not  only  as  an  ideal  teacher  by  his  pupils 
and  colleagues,  but  by  the  magistrates  of  the  Republic  as  a 
model  citizen. 

Through  the  aid  of  friends  Follen  secretly  left  Basel  and 
made  his  escape  in  safety  to  Paris  where  he  met  a  small  party 
of  German  political  fugitives  among  whom  was  his  friend, 
Karl  Beck.  Convinced  that  men  of  liberal  opinions  were  no 
longer  safe  even  in  Switzerland  they  decided  to  cast  their  lot 
with  Follen  in  seeking  freedom  and  happiness  across  the  seas. 
In  Paris  Follen  met  his  betrothed,2  arranging  with  her  to 
join  him  in  America  after  adequate  means  of  support  could  be 
found,  and  as  a  farewell  expression  both  of  his  devotion  to  her 
and  of  his  deep  love  of  freedom  addressed  to  her  the  following 
lines : 

1  Given  in  Works,  I,  119f. 

2  Yielding  to  her  father's  wishes  she  soon  after  broke  off  the  en 
gagement;  cf.  Follen-Briefe,  No.  13. 

—  81  — 


FOLLEN  IN  EUROPE 

Hast  du  mich  lieb,  o  so  gib  mir  die  Hand; 

Lass  uns  wandern,  lass  uns  ziehen 

Mit  der  Sonne  nach  Westen  bin; 

Dort  an  des   Meeres  andrem  Strand, 

Dort  ist  der  Freiheit,  dort  der  Menschheit  Vaterland. 

Pollen  and  Beck  reached  Havre  on  the  1st  of  November 
and  immediately  went  aboard  the  Cadmus,  the  same  ship  in 
which  Lafayette  had  taken  passage  to  America  a  few  months 
earlier.  It  was  with  a  mingled  feeling  of  joy  and  sadness  that 
Pollen  departed  from  all  that  was  dear  to  him  to  begin  life 
anew  in  a  foreign  land.  As  the  shores  of  Europe  gradually 
receded  in  the  distance  his  long-cherished  hopes  for  the  free 
dom  of  his  country  vanished  like  a  dream,  but  with  undaunted 
courage  he  faced  the  unknown  future  that  lay  before  him. 
Under  the  soothing,  exalting  influence  of  the  boundless  sea 
his  dejection  soon  gave  way  to  new  hopes  and  aspirations,  and 
his  youthful  dreams  again  seemed  possible  of  realization.  The 
wild  music  of  wind  and  waves  seemed  to  awaken  in  his  soul 
a  new  sense  of  life,  and  in  the  joyous  contemplation  of  his 
ideals  his  love  of  freedom  again  came  to  expression  in  the 
following  lines,1  the  last  poem  he  ever  wrote  in  his  native 
tongue : 

Auch  auf  dem  holzernen  Fische, 
Hier  mitten  im  Wassergezische, 

Schwingt  das  Herz, 

Frei  von  Schmerz, 
Frei  wie  die  Lerche  sich  himmel warts. 

Stiirmt  nur,  ihr  wilden  Gewasser, 
Wir  werden  nicht  roter,  nicht  blasser, 

Meergebraus, 

Sturmgesaus, 
Ist  fur  die  Tapfern  ein  Ohrenschmaus. 

Wenngleich  mit  wildem  Geliisten 
Am  Mast  die  Wasser  sicb  kiissten, 

Freiheitsmut, 

Liebesglut, 
Brennt  auch  in  Sturm  und  in  Wasserflut. 

i  Works,  I,  127. 

—  82  — 


GERMAN  UNITY 

During  the  voyage  Follen  and  Beck  studied  a  German 
work  on  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  and  sought 
also  to  acquire  some  knowledge  of  the  English  language.  On 
Sunday,  the  19th  of  December,  1824,  the  Cadmus  arrived  at 
New  York.  As  the  ship  approached  the  harbor  Follen  stood 
on  deck,  peering  through  the  dense  fog  to  catch  his  first 
glimpse  of  the  promised  land.  From  the  distance  came  the 
sound  of  the  Sabbath  bells ;  then  through  a  rift  in  the  clouds 
the  sun  burst  forth,  lighting  up  the  glittering  spires  of  the 
city.  So  great  was  his  joy  and  anxiety  that  he  almost  feared 
the  splendid  vision  might  vanish  before  he  could  set  foot  on 
shore;  but  when  he  finally  found  himself  standing  upon 
American  soil  he  wished,  as  he  afterwards  stated,1  to  kneel 
upon  the  ground,  and  kiss  it,  and  cling  to  it  with  his  hands, 
lest  it  should  even  then  escape  his  grasp. 


CEDE3CE! 


Ibid.,  I,  139, 

^         83 


PART  TWO. 
POLLEN  IN  AMERICA. 

After  remaining  about  three  weeks  in  New  York  Follen 
and  Beck  went  to  Philadelphia.  Through  the  recommendation 
of  Lafayette  they  soon  received  a  visit a  from  George  Ticknor. 
Through  Ticknor's  influence  Beck  secured  an  immediate  ap 
pointment  as  teacher  of  Latin  and  gymnastics  in  the  Round 
Hill  School  at  Northampton,  Massachusetts. 

Follen  remained  in  Philadelphia  nearly  a  year,  devoting 
himself  to  the  study  of  the  language,  manners  and  customs 
of  the  United  States.  The  diary  2  which  he  kept  at  that  time 
shows  that  he  was  a  keen  observer  in  matters  pertaining  to 
politics,  religion,  society,  industry,  art  and  literature.  He  was 
so  pleased  with  the  outlook  of  American  democracy  that  he 
made  immediate  application  for  citizenship.  It  is  most  inter 
esting  to  learn  from  the  first  letter  3  written  to  his  parents 
shortly  after  his  arrival  in  Philadelphia  the  impressions  which 
the  new  country  and  its  democratic  institutions  made  upon 
this  former  revolutionist: 

"The  government  interferes  scarcely  at  all,"  he  writes, 
"but  acts  merely  as  a  defense  against  breaches  of  the  law ; 
and  there  is  certainly  no  country  where  one  lives  more  securely 
without  passports,  police  officers,  and  soldiers  than  here. 
In  education  they  make  rapid  progress.  For  the  rest  they  let 
men  alone ;  and  thus  everything  is  much  better  done  than 
when  it  is  accomplished  by  direction  of  the  authorities.  There 
are  scarcely  any  taxes,  for  the  government  of  the  whole 
United  States  does  not  cost  so  much  as  that  of  one  of  our  prin 
cipalities.  Any  man  can  call  together,  by  a  public  announce 
ment,  in  the  open  squares  an  assembly  of  several  thousand, 
in  which  petitions  to  the  government  may  be  discussed  and 
its  measures  criticized ;  but  as  yet  there  has  been  no  disorder 
or  disturbance  of  the  public  peace  in  consequence.  The  gov- 

1  Cf.  Life,  Letters  and  Journals  of  Ticknor,  I.  352. 

2  Works,  I,  133ff,  153ff. 

3  Cf.  Pollen-Brief e,  No.  9—Jahrbuch  der  Deutsch-Amerikanischen 
Historischen  Gesellschaft  von  Illinois,  XIV,  16 :  given  in  abridged  form 
in  Works,  I,  144. 

—  84  - 


POLLEN  IN  AMERICA 

eminent  does  not  concern  itself  with  the  exercise  of  religion, 
speech,  or  the  press  except  in  so  far  as  mthe  rights  of  any 
might  thereby  be  impaired.  God  be  praised  that  we  have  here 
so  much  to  do  and  that  we  find  so  rich  an  enjoyment  in  this 
glorious  liberty." 

In  view  of  this  encouraging  prospect  Pollen  wisely  gave 
no  further  thought  to  his  earlier  fantastic  scheme  of  Ger 
manizing  America  by  founding  a  German  state  here,  but  un 
like  some  of  his  compatriots  dedicated  himself  without  reserve 
to  the  interests  and  welfare  of  his  adopted  country.  At  first 
he  was  unable  to  decide  upon  any  definite  course  of  action. 
Through  the  recommendation  of  L,afayette  he  soon  became 
acquainted  with  the  distinguished  jurist,  Du  Ponceau,1  who 
introduced  him  to  the  leading  men  of  Philadelphia  and  also 
suggested  him  to  Jefferson  as  a  suitable  teacher  of  Roman  law 
for  the  University  of  Virginia;  on  account  of  his  imperfect 
knowledge  of  English  and  his  unwillingness  to  live  in  a  slave 
state  he  made  no  effort  to  secure  this  position.  For  a  time 
he  thought  seriously  of  joining  his  former  Giessen  friend, 
Christian  Sartorius,  in  Mexico;  but  thanks  to  the  influence  of 
his  Philadelphia  friends  his  great  talents  were  fortunately  re 
tained  in  the  service  of  American  culture.  In  July  he  paid 
Beck  a  visit  in  Northampton  and  somewhat  later  spent  a  short 
time  in  New  York  where  he  made  the  acquaintance  of  Miss 
Sedgwick,2  whose  novel,  "Redwood,"  had  been  his  first  text 
book  in  the  English  language.  After  six  months'  residence 
in  this  country  he  had  made  such  rapid  progress  in  his  studies 
that  he  began  to  write  in  English  a  course  of  lectures  on  civil 
law,  which  he  hoped  to  deliver  in  Philadelphia;  and  this 
although  he  could,  according  to  the  statement  of  his  wife,  not 
utter  a  correct  English  sentence  when  he  landed  in  New  York. 
These  lectures  were  ready  to  be  delivered  in  October,  and 
from  a  letter  3  written  to  Beck  at  this  time  it  may  be  inferred 
that  Follen  was  seriously  contemplating  law  as  a  permanent 

1  Peter  Stephen  Du  Ponceau  (1760-1844),  a  Frenchman  by  birth. 

2  Catherine   Maria   Sedgwick    (1789-1867),    writer   of  novels   and 
stories  depicting  New  England  life.     "Redwood"  appeared  in  1824. 

3  Works,  I,  156. 

—  85  — 


•         POLLEN   IN  AMERICA 

profession.  If  this  decision  had  been  made  he  would  doubt 
less  have  won  both  fortune  and  reputation  as  a  distinguished 
jurist,  or  even  as  a  remarkable  statesman;  but  about  this  time 
Ticknor  offered  him  through  Du  Ponceau  an  instructorship 
in  German  at  Harvard,  assuring  him  also  that  his  lectures  on 
law  would  be  highly  appreciated  in  Boston.  His  acceptance 
of  this  position  enabled  him  to  enter  upon  a  career  in  which 
he  probably  exerted  a  much  greater  influence  in  contributing 
to  American  intellectual  life  than  would  have  been  possible 
had  he  chosen  the  profession  of  law. 

In  December,  1825,  Pollen  arrived  at  Cambridge,  entering 
at  once  upon  the  duties  of  his  new  position.  Besides  his  reg 
ular  teaching  he  began  to  prepare  text-books  for  his  classes 
and  endeavored  above  all  to  acquire  a  more  perfect  command 
of  the  English  language.  Meanwhile  he  attracted  attention 
and  interest  in  various  quarters,  introducing  gymnastics  in 
Boston  and  lecturing  there  also  on  civil  law  to  an  audience 
composed  mostly  of  lawyers.  Through  Miss  Sedgwick  he 
became  acquainted  in  the  following  year  with  Miss  Eliza 
Cabot,  the  daughter  of  one  of  the  best  New  England  families 
and  also  a  talented  member  of  a  brilliant  literary  circle.  This 
acquaintance  soon  ripened  into  a  warm  friendship,  culminat 
ing  some  two  years  later  in  marriage.  Through  Miss  Cabot's 
influence  Follen  was  admitted  to  her  circle  of  literary  friends, 
and  through  her  he  also  made  the  acquaintance  of  Dr.  Chan- 
ning,  which  was  the  beginning  of  a  life-long  intimate  friend 
ship  between  these  two  men. 

After  a  year's  residence  in  Cambridge  he  again  wrote  to 
his  parents  the  following  significant  lines,1  which  show  the 
inner  change  that  the  new  surroundings  had  produced  in  him 
and  at  the  same  time  speak  eloquently  of  his  devotion  to  his 
adopted  country :  "I  am  well  and  my  position  here  becomes 
every  day  more  firm  and  agreeable  in  proportion  as  my  new 
countrymen  are  assured  that  I  am  not  one  of  the  many  ad 
venturers  and  imposters,  through  whom  the  name  of  a  for- 

i  Follen-Briefe,  No.  14— Jahrbuch  D.  A.  H.  G.,  XIV,  36ff. ;  letter 
given  in  abridged  form  in  Works,  I,  164. 

—  86  — 


FOLLEN  IN  AMERICA 

eigner  has  become  suspected  by  the  natives.  They  are  con 
vinced  that  my  new  country  has  always  been  the  country  of 
my  principles ;  that  I  know  how  to  respect  the  peculiarities  of 
others,  and  that  I  attach  myself  cordially  to  good  men,  and 
particularly  to  affectionate  family  circles.  It  is  now  seven 
years  since  I  left  home,  and  I  have  not  during  this  time,  my 
seven  years'  private  war  against  the  great  powers,  been  per 
mitted  to  enter  my  father's  house.  But  you  know,  dear 
father,  that  the  principles  on  account  of  which  I,  together 
with  others,  have  been  persecuted,  and  which  with  many  of 
my  fellow-sufferers  may  have  been  opinions  taken  on  trust, 
or  mere  freaks  of  an  ill-regulated  imagination, — that  these 
principles  have  been  with  me  matters  of  conscience  and  the 
result  of  laborious  thought  and  study.  Hence  there  is  in  this 
country,  where  law  alone  governs,  no  more  quiet  citizen  than 
I.  I  should  have  lost  my  self-respect  and  deserved  the  con 
tempt  of  my  enemies  had  I  acted  according  to  their  principles. 

"I  would  remark  that  since  I  became  a  citizen  here  I  have 
publicly  renounced,  under  oath,  all  further  connection  with 
foreign  governments.  Therefore  I  am  as  to  Europe  politically 
dead  and  continue  to  live  only  for  my  family.  The  hatred 
against  the  governments  on  the  other  side,  which  I  brought 
on  board  ship,  has  changed  into  entire  indifference ;  and  I  only 
wish  that  my  persecutors  would  allow  me  the  blessing  of  their 
forgetfulness." 

In  the  summer  of  1828  Follen  entered  the  Unitarian  min 
istry  and  for  several  years  thereafter  preached  as  a  substitute 
in  various  churches  in  and  around  Boston.  About  this  same 
time  he  made  known  to  Dr.  Bowditch,  President  of  the  Cor 
poration,  his  intentions  to  seek  a  regular  pastorate  since  his 
salary  of  five  hundred  dollars  from  the  College  was  insufficient 
to  maintain  a  home.  Both  Bowditch  and  Higginson  strongly 
opposed  this,  assuring  him  that  the  College  could  not  dispense 
with  his  services  and  that  adequate  provision  would  be  made 
for  him ;  accordingly  he  was  given  in  addition  to  his  regular 
work  in  German  an  instructorship  in  ethics  and  history  in  the 
Divinity  School.  He  was  induced  to  accept  this  offer,  accord- 

—  87  — 


POLLEN   IN  AMERICA 

ing  to  his  wife's  statement,1  from  the  assurance  that  a  full 
professorship  would  soon  be  given  him.  This  appointment 
imposed  upon  him  the  heavy  task  of  instructing  in  two  more 
subjects;  but  still  he  was  able  to  work  on  his  text-books,  to 
continue  his  preaching,  and  to  devote  some  time  also  to  purely 
literary  endeavor,  contributing  to  various  literary  magazines 
such  as  the  Christian  Examiner  and  the  American  Quarterly 
Review. 

From  the  year  1829  we  possess  a  long  letter  -  written  to 
his  father,  giving  an  intimate  view  of  his  life  at  Harvard  and 
breathing  the  contentment  of  one  whose  dreams  of  freedom 
seemed  to  have  been  realized,  in  which  he  makes  the  follow 
ing  observation :  ''You  see  by  this,  dear  father,  that  I  have 
not  departed  from  your  ways  in  regard  to  laboring  in  my  pro 
fession.  You  must  know  that 

Im  Klotzespalten  werd'  ich  stets  dir  weichen ; 
Im  Sagen  aber  such'  ich  meinesgleichen. 

I  owe  to  this,  my  constant  occupation,  my  firm  health,  and, 
as  you  see,  a  certain  facility  and  skill  in  doggerel  and  double 
rhymes.  For  the  rest  I  produce  more  realities  here  than 
poems, — probably  because  my  boldest  European  poems  are 
here  realities."  In  this  same  letter  he  again  speaks  about  his 
growing  love  for  America,  as  follows :  "I  am  so  happy  in  the 
midst  of  my  dear  family.  The  time  will  come,  I  hope,  when 
the  governments  on  the  other  side  will  believe  that  I  do  not 
wish  to  meddle  in  their  affairs,  which  concern  me  not  at  all ; 
and  then  I  shall  hope,  when  they  can  promise  me  a  safe  pro 
tection,  to  find  time  to  visit  you.  I  pray  you  yet  again,  dear 
father,  if  it  is  too  narrow  for  you  there  to  come  with  my 
mother  to  me  and  to  your  American  daughter.  My  income, 
though  small,  is  sufficient  for  us.  And  then  I  root  myself 
daily  more  deeply  in  this  native  soil  of  freedom  and  truth, 
and  I  am  now  as  good  as  certain  that  I  shall  wish  you  joy, 

1  Works,  I,  253;  cf.  Dr.  Peabody's  Harvard  Reminiscences,  122. 

2  Follen-Briefe,  No.  16,  Jahrbuch  D.  A.  H.  G.,  XIV,  42ff. ;  given 
in  abridged  form  in  Works,  I,  263. 


POLLEN  IN  AMERICA 

next  April,  over  your  first-born  American  grandson.  The 
18th  of  January  is  a  festival  for  me.  I  become  then  a  citizen 
of  the  United  States." 

In  March,  1830,  Follen  was  admitted  to  all  the  rights  and 
privileges  of  an  American  citizen.  How  deeply  this  event, 
to  which  he  had  looked  forward  for  five  years,  impressed  him 
may  be  seen  from  the  following  account a  of  his  wife :  "He 
brought  me  the  certificate,  that  he  was  an  American  citizen, 
with  a  glow  of  joy  in  his  face  and  declared  the  naturalized 
foreigner  alone  had  a  right  to  boast  of  his  citizenship,  for 
with  him  it  was  choice.  When  not  long  afterwards,  on  the 
llth  of  April,  his  son  wras  born,  he  said:  'Now  I  am  an 
American.'  For  a  long  time  he  had  been  unwilling  to  be 
called  a  foreigner.  There  was  none  of  the  feeling  of  the 
foreigner  in  his  heart." 

In  the  summer  of  the  same  year  he  learned  that  the  pro 
fessorship  in  ethics,  which  had  been  promised  him,  was  to  be 
given  to  Dr.  John  Palfrey  in  consequence  of  a  reorganization 
of  the  Divinity  School,  whereupon  he  informed  the  Corpora 
tion  that  he  would  accept  any  advantageous  position  offered 
him  elsewhere  unless  more  suitable  provisions  were  made  for 
him  in  the  College,  since  his  four-fold  occupation  of  preach 
ing,  and  teaching  in  three  different  branches  intellectually 
quartered  him.  Unwilling  to  lose  so  valuable  an  instructor 
from  their  teaching  staff  the  Corporation  thereupon  offered 
him  a  professorship  in  the  Department  of  Latin,  but  he  de 
clined  the  offer  from  the  conviction  that  this  was  not  his 
proper  calling.  Upon  invitation  from  the  Unitarian  Society 
of  Newburyport  he  supplied  their  pulpit  during  the  summer 
vacation,  receiving  at  the  end  of  his  engagement  a  proposal 
to  become  their  permanent  pastor,  but  at  the  same  time  he  was 
notified  by  the  Corporation  that  a  professorship  of  German 
literature  had  been  established  at  Harvard  for  a  period  of  five 
years,  and  that  he  would  be  appointed  to  fill  the  position  in 
case  he  cared  to  return.  Although  he  preferred  to  devote 
himself  to  the  field  of  ethics,  or  exclusively  to  the  ministry, 

i  Works,  I,  267. 

—  89  — 


FOLLEN   IN  AMERICA 

he  accepted  the  call  from  Harvard,  believing  that  this  new 
sphere  of  activity  would  give  him  an  enlarged  opportunity  to 
contribute  to  the  intellectual  life  of  New  England  by  opening 
up  to  it  more  effectively  than  had  hitherto  been  done  the 
treasures  of  German  culture. 

With  this  in  view  Follen  now  entered  with  great  zeal  into 
the  teaching  of  German  literature  in  the  autumn  of  1830.  In 
addition  to  his  regular  academic  instruction  he  gave  public 
lectures  also  on  German  literature  and  philosophy  in  Boston, 
and  accepted  frequent  invitations  to  preach  in  various 
churches.  In  the  autumn  of  1832  he  was  called  upon  to  de 
liver  the  funeral  oration  x  on  Dr.  Spurzheim,  the  celebrated 
German  phrenologist,  who  had  died  in  Boston  while  engaged 
on  a  lecturing  tour  in  this  country ;  and  two  years  later  he 
made  before  the  workingmen  of  Boston  an  address  2  intro 
ductory  to  the  fourth  course  of  Franklin  lectures.  It  was  at 
this  time  also  that  he  espoused  the  cause  of  antislavery,  be 
coming  one  of  the  most  active  leaders  in  the  Garrisonian  Abo 
lition  movement.  Concerning  these  years  between  1830  and 
1835  his  wife  notes  3  in  her  biography  that  it  was  his  custom 
to  work  until  after  midnight,  with  the  cradle  of  his  infant 
son  by  his  side.  Many  of  his  best  lectures  were  written  in 
this  way;  through  all  his  various  trials  he  had  always  been 
hopeful,  but  now  his  soul  seemed  overflowing  with  joy.4  He 
felt  certain  that  his  professorship  would  be  renewed  at  the 
end  of  the  five  years  or  that  some  other  satisfactory  position 
would  be  offered  him.  All  his  old  love  of  academic  life  re 
vived,  and  it  was  his  one  purpose  and  desire  to  be  a  truly 
useful  servant  to  the  institution  in  which  he  was  employed. 
Not  only  his  attachment  to  the  university,  but  also  his  loyalty 
to  his  new  country  grew  stronger  as  indicated  by  the  follow- 

1  Given  in  full  in  Works,  V,  153ff. 

2  Ibid.,  V,  288ff. 

3  Works,  I,  301. 

4  In  his  Harvard  Retmniscences,  122,   Dr.    Peabody   remarks   that 
the  Follen  home  was  at  this  time  one  of  the  first  social  centers  in  Har 
vard   University   life,   and   that   the   Harvard    students    regarded  their 
frequent  visits  there  as  among  the  greatest  of  their  social  privileges. 

—  90- 


FOLLEN  IN  AMERICA 

ing  passage  of  a  letter  *  written  to  his  father  in  May,  1832 : 
"My  attachment  to  this  glorious  country  increases  daily,  al 
though  my  love  for  my  old  fatherland  does  not  grow  cold. 
Many  glorious  productions  flourish  and  increase  in  Europe, 
but  man,  who  is  there  only  a  hot-house  plant,  finds  here  a 
native  soil." 

But  Pollen's  hope  of  a  permanent  position  of  service  and 
usefulness  in  Harvard  was  not  to  be  realized.  At  the  end  of 
the  period  for  which  it  had  been  endowed  his  professorship 
was  discontinued,  whereupon  he  severed  his  connection  with 
the  College  and  sought  employment  elsewhere.  From  this 
time  on  he  was  variously  employed.  At  first  he  became  pri 
vate  tutor  to  the  two  young  sons  of  James  Perkins,  a  position 
which  for  several  reasons  he  resigned  at  the  end  of  a  year's 
successful  service.  In  the  summer  of  1836  he  and  his  family 
made  a  western  journey  with  a  number  of  friends  including 
Miss  Harriet  Martineau,  the  distinguished  English  writer. 
The  party  intended  to  descend  the  Ohio  river  in  order  to  visit 
Paul  Pollen's  German  colony  in  Missouri,  but  on  account  of 
the  proslavery  animosity  against  Miss  Martineau  this  visit  was 
abandoned;  consequently  the  party  took  a  more  northerly 
route,  traveling  by  way  of  Niagara  falls  and  the  great  lakes 
as  far  as  Chicago.  In  this  city  Pollen  was  asked  to  address 
a  small  body  of  Unitarians,  who  were  desirous  of  founding 
a  church.  His  powerful  preaching  impressed  them  so  well 
that  they  raised  a  subscription  of  twenty  thousand  dollars  to 
build  a  meeting-house  and  extended  to  him  an  urgent  invita 
tion  to  become  their  pastor,  which,  however,  he  did  not  accept. 
After  returning  to  Boston  Pollen  took  up  his  residence  in 
Stockbridge  where  for  want  of  other  occupation  he  gave 
lessons  in  German,  wrote  for  several  literary  magazines,  and 
began  also  a  treatise  on  psychology,  a  Science  of  the  Soul  as 
he  called  it, — a  book  which  he  had  long  wished  to  write  and 
for  which  he  had  collected  abundant  material  even  before 
coming  to  America.  From  this  time  on  he  devoted  all  his 
leisure  to  this  project,  but  death  overtook  him  before  the  work 

i  Works,  I,  300. 

—  91  — 


FOLLEN   IN  AMERICA 

was  completed ;  only  the  introductory  chapters  a  were  put  into 
final  form. 

In  the  autumn  of  1836  Pollen  was  called  to  occupy  the 
pulpit  of  the  First  Unitarian  Church  in  New  York  City.  This 
was  the  beginning  of  one  of  the  most  happy  and  active  periods 
of  his  life.  Besides  his  regular  pastoral  duties  he  still  wrote 
for  various  journals,  gave  public  lectures  on  literary,  religious 
and  sociological  subjects,  and  continued  his  active  service  in 
the  antislavery  propaganda.  For  a  time  he  was  seriously  con 
sidering  the  founding  a  new  periodical  to  be  called  "All  Sides," 
which  was  to  be  a  non-partisan  paper,  a  medium  of  independ 
ent  thought,  devoted  to  the  spreading  of  the  gospel  of  liberty. 
The  plan  2  drawn  up  by  him  grouped  the  subjects  to  be  treated 
under  three  heads:  religion,  morals  and  education,  law  and 
politics;  but  for  want  of  financial  support  he  was  unable  to 
carry  out  his  project.  The  success  with  which  he  met  in  his 
pastorate  caused  him  to  believe  that  he  had  at  last  found  his 
proper  and  most  useful  sphere  of  activity,  but  when  after  a 
year  and  a  half  of  devoted  service  to  the  cause  of  religion  and 
philanthropy  in  New  York  his  congregation  became  displeased 
with  his  bold  and  fearless  attitude  toward  the  slavery  question 
he  resigned  his  position  and  returned  with  his  family  to  Boston 
in  the  spring  of  1838. 

For  the  next  two  years,  the  remainder  of  his  life,  Follen 
managed  through  the  strictest  economy  to  eke  out  a  living  by 
dint  of  teaching  private  classes,  giving  public  lectures,  and  fill 
ing  various  pulpits.  His  influential  friend,  Dr.  Channing,  seems 
to  have  been  unable  to  help  him  to  a  suitable  pastorate.3  Under 
these  discouraging  circumstances  his  heart  turned  again  with 
such  longing  toward  the  old  home  and  the  old  friends  across 
the  sea  that  he  made  preparations  in  the  summer  of  1839  for 
a  visit  to  Switzerland,  but  before  final  arrangements  for  the 

1  Given  in  Works,  III,  323ff. 

2  Ibid,  I,  634ff. 

3  Dr.  Peabody  says  in  his  Harvard  Reminiscences,  123,  that  Fol- 
len's  zeal  in  the  antislavery  cause  probably  prevented  his  permanent 
settlement  in  one  of  the  Boston  churches  in  which  he  was  a  favorite 
preacher. 

—  92  — 


FOLLEN  IN  AMERICA 

journey  were  made  he  received  an  invitation  from  the  Uni 
tarian  Society  of  East  Lexington  to  become  their  pastor. 
Although  the  salary  was  only  six  hundred  dollars  Pollen  ac 
cepted  the  offer  and  moved  his  family  at  once  to  his  new  parish 
where  he  designed  and  personally  supervised  the  construction 
of  a  new  house  of  worship.  Again  it  seemed  that  his  longing 
for  a  permanent  field  of  useful  service  to  his  fellow-men  was 
to  be  realized,  but  fate  would  not  have  it  so.  In  response  to 
a  call  to  deliver  a  course  of  lectures  on  German  literature  be 
fore  the  Merchants'  Library  Association  in  New  York,  an 
invitation  extended  only  to  distinguished  lecturers,  Pollen  ac 
companied  by  his  family  went  to  that  city  the  latter  part  of 
December.  He  had  promised  to  return  to  Lexington  in  time 
for  the  dedication  of  the  new  church,  which  was  set  for  the 
15th  of  January,  but  a  sudden  indisposition  of  his  wife  while 
in  New  York  rendered  it  inadvisable  to  make  the  return  trip 
until  a  later  date.  Under  these  circumstances  he  requested 
that  the  dedication  be  postponed  a  few  days  until  his  wife 
would  be  able  to  make  the  journey.  Since  his  parish  would 
not  make  this  concession  he  decided  to  leave  his  family  in  New 
York  and  to  make  the  trip  alone  rather  than  to  fail  in  the  ful 
fillment  of  his  promise.  On  the  13th  of  January,  1840,  he 
boarded  the  steamboat,  Lexington,  for  Boston;  but  on  that 
dark  winter  night  the  steamer  caught  fire  on  Long  Island 
Sound,  and  Karl  Pollen  along  with  nearly  all  on  board  found 
a  watery  grave. 


—  93  — 


CHAPTER  I. 

HIS  PROMOTION  OF  GERMAN  STUDIES  IN  NEW  ENGLAND. 
LANGUAGE;  AND  LITERATURE;. 

That  the  higher  intellectual  life  of  the  English  settlers  of 
this  country  was  dependent  chiefly  upon  the  cultural  traditions 
of  the  mother  country  seems  natural  despite  the  fact  that  Eng 
land  did  practically  nothing  to  promote  it.  The  colonial  col 
leges,  especially  those  of  New  England,  were  not  only  modeled 
after  the  English  plan,  but  the  character  of  their  methods  of 
instruction  was  essentially  that  which  prevailed  at  Oxford  and 
Cambridge.  Soon  after  the  War  of  Independence  we  notice, 
however,  a  growing  dissatisfaction  with  English  cultural  ideas. 
The  most  interesting  proof  of  this  is  furnished  by  the  plan1  of 
a  national  university,  devised  by  Dr.  Benjamin  Rush  in  1788. 
This  eminent  scientist,  who  had  traveled  in  Europe,  advocates 
in  his  plan  the  founding  of  a  federal  institution  to  train  the 
American  youth,  not  along  the  traditional  English  lines,  but 
in  the  branches  of  learning  best  calculated  to  prepare  young 
men  for  all  the  private  and  public  duties  of  American  citizens. 
Among  the  subjects  of  instruction  he  names  are :  government, 
history,  agriculture  and  commerce,  natural  philosophy,  ath 
letics,  philosophy  and  foreign  languages.  These  branches,  he 
says,  should  be  taught  by  way  of  lectures,  which  was  of  course 
the  method  employed  in  the  German  universities.  Concerning 
philology  and  modern  languages  he  expresses  himself  as  fol 
lows:  "Instruction  in  this  branch  of  literature  will  become 
the  more  necessary  in  America,  as  our  intercourse  must  soon 
cease  with  the  bar,  the  stage,  and  the  pulpits  of  Great  Britain 
from  whence  we  received  our  knowledge  of  the  pronunciation 
of  the  English  language.  Even  modern  English  books  should 
cease  to  be  the  models  of  style  in  the  United  States.  The 
German  and  French  languages  should  be  taught  in  this  uni 
versity.  The  many  excellent  books  which  are  written  in  both 
these  languages,  upon  all  subjects,  more  especially  upon  those 
which  relate  to  the  advancement  of  national  improvement  of 
all  kinds,  will  render  a  knowledge  of  them  an  essential  part 
of  the  education  of  a  legislator  of  the  United  States." 

*  American  Museum,  IV,  442ff.   (1788). 

94 


PROMOTION  OF  GERMAN  STUDIES 

It  is  not  improbable  that  the  ideas  of  Dr.  Rush  influenced 
Washington's  later  plan  of  a  national  university. 

While  neither  of  these  plans  was  realized  the  idea  of 
academic  reform  was  taken  up  in  the  second  and  third  decades 
of  the  19th  century,  which  marks  a  new  era  both  in  the  ma 
terial  and  spiritual  history  of  the  United  States.  This  "era 
of  good  feeling"  following  the  War  of  1812  was  characterized 
by  an  enlarged  national  consciousness  and  by  a  rapid  increase 
in  commerce  and  industry,  culminating  not  only  in  great  ma 
terial  prosperity,  but  also  in  a  spontaneous  outburst  of  a  larger, 
freer,  intellectual  life.  This  showed  itself  in  various  ways, 
especially  in  the  rising  demand  for  a  national  literature.  In 
his  excellent  "Remarks  on  National  Literature/'  written  in 
1823,  W.  E.  Channing  not  only  denied  the  general  assump 
tion  that  English  literature  was  sufficient,  but  insisted  on  the 
need  of  a  national  American  literature  and  also  of  the  best 
thought  of  Continental  Europe  in  order  to  nurture  it.  "Our 
reading"  he  thinks,1  "is  confined  too  much  to  English  books. 
....  In  this  we  err.  We  ought  to  know  the  different  modes  of 
viewing  and  discussing  great  subjects  in  different  nations.  .  . 
We  fear,  however,  that  at  the  present  moment  English  books 
want  much  which  we  need.  The  intellect  of  that  nation  is 
turned  now  to  what  is  called  practical  and  useful  subjects.  .  . 
We  find  little  profound  or  fervid  thinking  expressed  in  the 
higher  forms  of  its  literature." 

The  center  of  culture  which  had  hitherto  been  in  Phila 
delphia  and  afterwards  in  New  York  now  shifted  to  Boston. 
Through  its  constantly  broadening  mental  horizon  New  Eng 
land  awoke  to  the  consciousness  that  other  nations  besides 
England  and  France  possessed  standards  and  achievements 
worthy  of  emulation;  hence  it  threw  open  its  doors  to  the 
potent  influence  of  German  philosophy  and  literature.  "The 
influences  brought  to  bear  on  New  England,"  says  Barrett 
Wendell,2  were  almost  innumerable.  The  most  important  was, 
probably,  German  thought  at  a  time  when  German  philosophy 
was  most  metaphysical  and  German  literature  most  romantic," 

1  Channing's  Works,  137. 

2  Literary  History  of  America,  295 f . 

-95  — 


FOLLEN  IN  AMERICA 

It  is  well  known  that  the  attention  of  New  England  was 
first  called  to  Germany  by  Mme.  de  StaeTs  famous  work,  "De 
rAllemagne,"  an  English  translation  of  which  was  published 
in  New  York  in  1814.  Through  the  author's  statements  1  that 
all  the  North  of  Germany  was  filled  with  the  most  learned  uni 
versities  of  Europe,  that  the  literary  glory  of  Germany 
depended  upon  these  institutions,  and  that  in  no  other  country, 
not  even  in  England,  did  the  people  have  so  many  means  of 
bringing  their  faculties  to  perfection,  a  wholly  new  world  was 
opened  up  to  New  England.  The  many  pertinent  observations 
on  German  education  made  a  deep  impression  upon  young 
Americans,  who  in  consequence  decided  to  study  at  German 
universities.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  Mme.  de  StaeTs  book 
was  a  great  factor  in  turning  the  tide  of  American  students 
from  England  to  the  German  seats  of  learning. 

The  first  New  England  students  who  visited  Germany 
were  George  Ticknor,  Edward  Everett,  and  George  Bancroft. 
It  is  a  most  interesting  fact  that  these  pioneers  of  the  new 
movement  not  only  brought  back  with  them  an  increased 
amount  of  knowledge  and  a  new  conception  of  culture  and 
scholarship,  but  also  the  greatest  enthusiasm  for  German  edu 
cational  ideas,  which  they  now  were  eager  to  transplant  upon 
American  soil.  This  is  shown  by  Ticknor's  introduction  of 
radical  reforms  at  Harvard,  of  which  Thomas  W.  Higginson 
could  truly  say : 2  "They  laid  the  foundation  of  non- English 
training,  not  only  in  Boston,  but  in  America,  by  taking  the 
whole  American  educational  system  away  from  English  tradi 
tions  and  substituting  the  German  method."  The  influence  of 
the  German  university  idea  as  developed  by  W.  von  Humboldt, 
Fichte,  and  Schleiermacher  is  evident  also  in  Edward  Everett's 
address  on  the  "Objects  of  a  University  Education."  3  How 
deeply  George  Bancroft  was  impressed  with  the  German  edu 
cational  system  may  finally  be  seen  by  his  founding  of  the 

1  Cf .  Chapter  VIII. 

2  Atlantic  Monthly,  LXXIX,  490. 

8  Everett's  Orations  and  Speeches,  II,  493ff. 
_  96  — 


PROMOTION  OF  GERMAN  STUDIES 

Round  Hill  School *  after  the  model  of  the  German  Gym 
nasium. 

Finally  there  was,  perhaps  most  potent  of  all,  the  direct 
influence  of  native  Germans  who,  on  account  of  political  perse 
cution,  had  been  compelled  to  seek  refuge  in  the  new  world. 
Many  of  these  exiles  sought  positions  as  teachers  in  American 
schools  and  colleges,  becoming  in  this  way  the  early  pioneers 
in  spreading  a  knowledge  of  their  literary,  philosophical  and 
educational  ideals.  Among  those  German  scholars  who  first 
paved  the  way  for  an  appreciation  of  German  culture  in  this 
country  were  Karl  Beck,  Franz  Lieber,  and  above  all,  Karl 
Follen. 

When  George  Ticknor  became  professor  of  modern  lan 
guages  at  Harvard  in  1819  only  French  and  Spanish  were 
taught  in  his  department,  but  thoroughly  imbued  with  the  Ger 
man  spirit  he  desired  to  add  German  also  to  the  course  of 
study.  While  on  a  visit  to  Washington  in  the  spring  of  1825 
he  chanced  to  make  the  acquaintance  of  Lafayette,  who  as  has 
already  been  stated  called  his  attention  to  Beck  and  Follen. 
Desirous  of  securing  a  teacher  of  German  and  believing,  too, 
that  a  foreign  language  should  be  taught  by  a  native,  he 
secured  the  services  of  Follen,  who  thus  became  the  first  offi 
cial  instructor  of  German  at  Harvard  College.  When  Follen 
began  his  instruction  he  found  himself  greatly  hampered  by 
the  lack  of  suitable  text-books.  "There  are  two  things,"  he 
writes  2  to  his  friend  Beck,  "on  which  I  should  like  to  have 
your  opinion.  I  want  a  German  Reader.  Professor  Ticknor 
is  of  the  same  opinion  as  I,  that  we  two  should  make  a  German 
Chrestomathy,  which  might  at  the  same  time  serve  as  a  sketch 
of  the  history  of  German  literature.  Professor  Ticknor  pos 
sesses  a  very  rich  library.  If  we  add  to  this  what  we  might 
obtain  in  other  places  we  might  furnish  something  useful. 
Ask  Mr.  Bancroft  for  his  opinion.  The  book  must  be  such 
that  it  may  be  introduced  into  other  institutions,  and  thus  at 
least  pay  its  expenses.  The  second  point  is  a  German  Gfam- 

1  Founded  by  Bancroft  and  Cogswell  at  Northampton,  Mass.,  in 
1823. 

2  Works,  I,  160. 

—  97  — 


FOLLEN  IN  AMERICA 

mar  in  English.  The  Grammar  of  Rowbotham  seems  to  me 
more  useful  than  that  of  Noehden,  but  even  that  is  capable  of 
great  improvement,  I  know  we  have  before  this  spoken  of 
this  subject,  and  you  thought  to  prepare  a  Grammar.  I  know 
not  whether  you  have  done  anything  about  it.  At  any  rate 
note  everything  that  occurs  to  you.  I  will  do  the  same  and 
communicate  my  observations  to  you." 

To  supply  this  first  want  Follen  began  at  once  to  prepare 
a  reader  *  for  use  in  his  classes.  According  to  the  preface  the 
two-fold  purpose  of  this  book  was  to  furnish  the  teacher  with 
reading  matter  from  recognized  German  masterpieces  for  the 
illustration  of  the  rules  and  peculiarities  of  the  language  and 
to  give  the  pupils  a  foretaste  and  some  conception  of  classical 
German  literature.  As  an  introduction  to  the  period  from 
which  the  reading  selections  are  taken  the  author  gives  in  a 
nutshell  an  excellent  sketch  of  the  history  of  German  literature, 
showing  his  intimate  acquaintance  with  the  subject  and  indi 
cating  at  the  same  time  the  historical  method  which  he  pur 
sued  in  his  teaching.  He  divides  German  literature  into  three 
periods :  the  Mediaeval,  the  Reformation,  and  the  Modern. 
He  characterizes  the  first  period  as  the  romantic  age  from  the 
fact  that  it  produced  a  great  mass  of  epics  and  lyrics  whose 
chief  content  was  faith,  honor,  and  love,  which  gave  them,  in 
his  opinion,  their  peculiar  romantic  stamp.  The  chief  causes 
conducive  of  this  golden  age  of  the  minnesong  and  epics  of 
chivalry,  he  explains,  were  the  influence  of  Provencal  and 
ancient  Scandinavian  poetry,  the  institution  of  knighthood,  and 
the  encouragement  of  the  art-loving  Hohenstaufens.  Through 
the  breaking  up  of  the  feudal  system  the  romantic  spirit  grad 
ually  degenerated  during  the  14th  and  15th  centuries  into  mere 
affectation  and  insipidity.  In  the  16th  century,  however,  the 
revival  of  classical  learning  and  the  Reformation  gave  German 
culture  a  newr  direction.  While  the  romantic  age  was  character 
ized  by  products  of  creative  genius,  the  protestant  period  was 
distinguished  by  the  promotion  of  the  exact  sciences  through 
thorough  and  unbiased  investigation  in  theology,  philosophy, 

1  Dentsches  Lescbuch  fur  Anfanger,  Cambridge,  1826,  pp.  252. 
—  98  — 


PROMOTION  OF  GERMAN  STUDIES 

jurisprudence,  and  medicine;  but  although  Luther's  translation 
of  the  Bible  was  of  the  highest  importance  for  the  development 
of  the  German  language,  no  poetry  was  produced  that  could 
vie  with  that  of  the  middle  ages.  Gradually  German  literature 
degenerated  into  a  weak  imitation  of  the  French  through  the 
influence  of  the  Silesian  Schools.  In  spite  of  the  opposition 
of  the  Swiss  School  of  critics  the  trend  was  further  promoted 
by  Gottsched  until  in  the  middle  of  the  18th  century  Lessing's 
keen  and  many-sided  criticism  finally  shattered  the  idols  of 
French  taste,  awakening  that  spirit  of  freedom  and  that  aspira 
tion  for  perfection  which  breathes  through  the  masterpieces 
of  modern  German  literature.  Follen  explains  that  Lessing 
accomplished  for  German  literature  what  Luther  did  for  the 
German  Church.  Just  as  Kant  blazed  a  new  way  in  philosophy, 
and  the  protestant  spirit  replaced  protestant  dogmatism,  like 
wise  appeared  in  the  field  of  literature  writers  of  independent 
spirit,  who  turned  to  antiquity  for  inspiration.  The  treasures 
of  ancient  Greek  and  German  literature  and  art  were  now 
brought  to  light,  becoming  models  for  the  best  modern  works, 
from  which  are  taken  the  selections  for  this  reader. 

This  attractive  preface  was  well  adapted  to  arouse  the 
keenest  interest  of  the  student  in  this  hitherto  unexplored 
fairyland  of  German  literature.  The  selections  of  the  reader 
consist  of  about  150  pages  of  prose  and  20  of  poetry  taken 
from  about  20  of  the  most  famous  writers  from  Lessing  to 
Korner.  In  his  choice  of  material  the  author  had  naturally  to 
choose  comparatively  simple  pieces  adapted  to  the  needs  of 
beginners  rather  than  to  present  typical  examples  of  the  most 
finished  literary  productions,  but  at  the  same  time  he  aimed 
especially  to  introduce  his  students  into  the  spirit  of  German 
literature.  This  is  shown  clearly  by  the  nature  of  the  selec 
tions  from  both  the  classic  and  romantic  writers  of  Germany. 
He  begins  with  some  of  Lessing's  early  "Fabeln,"  which  are 
followed  by  several  of  Krammacher's  "Parabeln"  and  some  of 
Herder's  beautiful  "Paramythien."  Then  Schiller  is  intro 
duced  with  characteristic  extracts  from  the  "Geisterseher"  and 
the  "Abfall  der  Niederlande,"  Novalis  with  a  significant  pass 
age  from  "Heinrich  von  Ofterdingen,"  and  Wachenroder  with 

—  99  — 


FOLLEN   IN  AMERICA 

a  chapter  from  the  "Herzensergiessungen  eines  Kunstliebenden 
Klosterbruders."  Goethe  is  represented  by  interesting  frag 
ments  from  his  "Italienische  Reise"  and  "Wilhelm  Meister," 
Wieland  by  a  chapter  from  his  "Abderiten,"  Jean  Paul  by  ex 
tracts  from  various  novels,  and  A.  W.  Schlegel  by  a  lecture  on 
Shakespeare's  "Macbeth."  The  specimens  of  German  poetry 
in  the  second  part  of  the  book  show  an  equally  refined  taste 
and  comprehensive  knowledge  of  German  literature. 

This  reader  was  the  first  American  school  edition  of  Ger 
man  classics,  hence  a  landmark  in  the  early  college  curriculum. 
From  this  simple  book,  which  was  still  used  at  Harvard  during 
the  sixties  of  the  past  century,  many  of  the  great  leaders  of 
American  thought  drew  their  inspiration  for  German  literature 
and  philosophy.  It  is  doubtful  whether  a  single  one  of  the 
many  German  readers  which  have  appeared  since,  and  which 
have  been  constructed  according  to  the  latest  "methods,"  can 
boast  of  similar  results.  Critical  notices  *  from  various  liter- 

1  U.  S.  Lit.  Gazette,  Sept.,  1826,  458 :  "Such  an  introduction  to  the 
study  of  the  German  language  as  is  furnished  by  the  work  before  us, 
was  much  needed.  An  acquaintance  with  this  language  is  becoming 
daily  more  important  to  every  man  who  wishes  to  keep  pace  with  the 
progress  of  knowledge.  In  all  its  departments,  German  students  are 
the  most  assiduous  labourers,  and,  as  a  body,  furnish  the  largest  con 
tributions  to  its  stock.  The  literary  treasures  of  this  nation  are  vast, 
varied,  and  rapidly  multiplying,  and  demand  the  attentive  study  of 
every  one  who  desires  to  excel  in  any  branch  of  intellectual  labour. 
The  metaphysician  will  find  it  the  very  home  of  profound  speculation, 
the  native  land  of  intellectual,  as  truly  as  of  physical  gymnastics.  For 
the  lover  of  natural  science,  the  patient  research  of  the  German  char 
acter  has  accumulated  a  rich  storehouse  of  facts.  The  classical  scholar 
has  been  long  familiar  with  its  massy  erudition,  and,  more  lately,  with 
its  deep  investigation  into  the  spirit  of  antiquity.  The  professional 
man,  the  student  of  law,  physic,  or  theology,  may  satisfy  the  keenest 
appetite  with  the  fruits  of  German  toil.  The  lover  of  belles  lettres  will 
here  meet  with  a  fresh  and  beautiful  literature,  formed  by,  and  breath 
ing  the  spirit  of  the  age,  exulting  in  the  consciousness  of  vigour  and 
progress,  not  made  up  of  beautiful  relics,  but  of  the  finished  produc 
tions  of  modern  art,  equally  splendid,  and  better  suited  to  the  wants 
and  the  taste  of  the  times.  Now,  rich,  and  rapidly  increasing,  it  opens 
a  wide  and  important  field  to  the  scholar  of  every  nation,  more  espe 
cially  to  nations  of  German  origin.  The  English  and  their  American 
descendants  find  in  it  much  that  is  akin  to  their  old  modes  of  expres 
sion,  of  thought,  and  of  feeling.  Their  domestic  manners,  language, 
and  religion  all  tend  to  assimilate  them  with  the  German  character, 
rather  than  with  that  of  the  South  of  Europe.  The  attentive  study 
which  the  Germans  have  bestowed  upon  English  literature,  and  the 

—  100  — 


PROMOTION  OF  GERMAN  STUDIES 

ary  magazines  of  the  time  indicate  that  it  was  considered  a 
most  valuable  and  acceptable  book. 

In  the  preface  to  the  reader  the  author  promises  to  sup 
plement  the  collection,  in  case  the  book  should  find  favor,  by 
another  containing  pieces  better  adapted  to  advanced  study. 
In  1833  there  appeared  in  Cambridge  a  small  volume  x  con 
taining  "Maria  Stuart,"  "Tasso"  and  "Egmont"  without  any 
critical  matter;  it  was  printed  by  Charles  Folsom,  the  uni 
versity  printer,  and  the  "advertisement"  merely  states  that  the 
text  is  well  adapted  to  follow  Pollen's  "Lesebuch,"  and  is 
designed  for  students  of  Harvard.  This  was  the  first  of 
Schiller's  and  Goethe's  dramas  prepared  for  advanced  classes 
in  American  schools.  In  view  of  the  fact  that  Pollen  had 
promised  something  of  this  sort,  and  was  also  in  this  same 
year  engaged  in  editing  Carlyle's  "Life  of  Schiller,"  it  seems 
very  probable  that  he  was  the  compiler  of  this  work  also. 

After  completing  his  Reader  Pollen  began  at  once  the 
preparation  of  a  German  Grammar.2  The  preface  of  this  work 


copious  infusion  of  its  spirit  into  their  own,  increase  its  interest  to  men 
whose  taste  has  been  formed  upon  the  classics  of  England. 

"Esteeming  the  literature  of  Germany,  as  we  do,  we  are  glad  to 
see  the  study  of  it  becoming  more  and  more  common  among  our 
countrymen.  The  book  before  us  is  valuable  to  beginners,  supplying 
a  deficiency  which  has  been  hitherto  much  felt,  the  want  of  a  proper 
collection  of  reading-lessons.  The  few  German  books  within  the  reach 
of  the  greater  part  of  young  students  here,  afford  them  little  oppor 
tunity  of  selecting  those  most  suited  to  their  wants,  or  of  learning  the 
various  powers  of  the  language.  They  needed  a  work  of  this  kind, 
consisting  of  extracts  from  distinguished  authors,  arranged  according 
to  their  relative  difficulty,  and  exhibiting  speciments  of  their  different 
merits." 

North  Am.  Review,  Jan.,  1827,  XXIV,  251:  "This  is  one  of  the 
pleasantest  and  best  selections  we  are  acquainted  with  for  the  purpose 
of  introducing  the  beginner  to  the  knowledge  of  a  foreign  literature. 
This  object  is  well  attained;  and  although  a  task  of  no  very  formidable 
nature,  yet  it  is  one  not  unworthy  of  the  attention  of  the  learned 
scholar,  who  has  prepared  the  book,  and  to  whom  we  are  indebted  for 
contributing  his  efforts  to  increase  the  means  of  cultivating  one  of  the 
most  useful  and  important  languages  of  the  present  day." 

1  Cf.  Americana  Germanica,  New  Series,  III,  No.  4,  125. 

2  A  Practical  Grammar  of  the  German  Language  by  Dr.  Charles 
Follen,  Instructor  in  the  German  language  at  Harvard  College,  Boston, 
1828. 

—  101  — 


POLLEN   IN  AMERICA 

opens  with  a  short  discussion  of  the  history  and  actual  present 
state  of  the  German  language,  followed  by  some  general  obser 
vations  on  the  main  German  grammarians  from  Gottsched  to 
Grimm.  Gottsched's  merits,  he  says,  cannot  be  denied,  but 
they  are  far  surpassed  by  those  of  Adelung.  Grimm's  his 
torical  grammar  is  characterized  as  a  profound  inquiry  into 
the  general  foundation  of  the  language;  the  work  of  Harnisch 
as  a  metaphysical  investigation  abounding  in  deep  ingenious 
remarks  which  sometimes  run  into  a  sort  of  philological  mys 
ticism;  and  that  of  Heinsius  is  valuable  chiefly  on  account  of 
its  practical  nature.  The  main  body  of  the  work  is  based  upon 
the  grammars  a  of  Noehden  and  Rowbotham  and  is  divided 
into  three  main  parts :  Elements,  Syntax,  and  Prosody.  The 
Elements  are  divided  into  orthography  and  parts  of  speech. 
In  his  classification  of  consonants  Follen  deviated  from  general 
usage  by  ranking  d,  t,  I  and  n  with  the  palatals  and  r  with  the 
linguals.  In  dealing  with  the  parts  of  speech  he  begins  with 
the  article  and  treats  successively  nouns,  adjectives,  numerals, 
pronouns,  verbs,  adverbs,  prepositions  and  conjunctions. 
Similar  to  Heinsius'  scheme  of  declension,  he  groups  the  nouns 
into  three  classes :  all  feminines ;  all  masculines  having  the 
genitive  singular  in  n  or  en;  and  all  masculines  and  neuters 
whose  genitive  singular  ends  in  s  (s,  es,  us,  eus).  In  dealing 
with  the  verb  the  primary  tenses,  then  the  secondary,  are 
treated ;  but  instead  of  adopting  the  new  term  "weak"  and 
"strong,"  as  introduced  by  Grimm,  those  of  "regular"  and 
"irregular"  are  retained.  The  treatise  on  prosody,  based  for 
the  most  part  on  the  opinions  of  Voss  and  Schlegel,  was  intro 
duced  "in  order  to  contribute  to  the  pleasure  of  those  lovers 
of  poetry,"  who  were  becoming  interested  more  and  more  in 
the  polite  literature  of  Germany. 

Although  Follen  was  no  philologian  in  the  strict  sense  of 
the  word  he  was  familiar  with  the  history  of  grammar  in  Ger 
many  and  especially  with  the  works  of  the  Grimm  brothers  as 

1  These  were  the  grammars  commonly  used  in  England  and  were 
derived  from  German  grammars,  especially  that  of  Adelung.  Follen 
characterizes  them  as  weak  in  many  respects,  but  endeavors  to  embody 
the  most  valuable  parts  of  them  in  his  own  work. 

—  102  — 


PROMOTION  OF  GERMAN  STUDIES 

indicated  by  his  remarks  1  on  the  relationship  between  the  Ger 
man  and  English  languages.  His  historical  grasp  of  the  sub 
ject  eminently  qualified  him  for  a  work  of  this  kind.  The 
grammar  is,  therefore,  not  only  a  thorough  scientific  treatise; 
but  the  fact  that  it  passed  through  many  revised  editions  2 
indicates  also  that  it  was  extensively  used.  It  was  the  first 
grammar  of  the  German  language  3  that  came  into  general  use 
in  American  schools,  and  in  its  day  was  considered  one  of  the 
best  in  this  country. 

In  the  preface  to  the  third  edition  of  the  grammar  Follen 
speaks  as  follows  about  another  text-book  for  the  study  of 
German :  "I  am  now  preparing  for  the  press  the  Gospel  of  St. 
John  in  German,  with  a  literal  interlinear  translation  for  begin 
ners,  on  a  plan  somewhat  different  from  the  Hamiltonian 
method.4  I  hope  that  this  book,  together  with  the  Grammar 
and  Reader,  will  form  a  sufficient  preparatory  course  to  enable 
the  faithful  student  to  enter  upon  a  thorough  and  extensive 
study  of  German  literature."  This  book  appeared  in  Boston 
in  1835  as  indicated  by  a  short  notice  in  the  American  Quar 
terly  Register,5  which  speaks  of  it  as  "a  welcome  present  to  all 
beginners  in  the  German  language." 

Concerning  this  first  attempt  to  introduce  German  instruc 
tion  into  Harvard  Dr.  A.  P.  Peabody  gives  the  following  inter 
esting  account  :6  "German  had  never  been  taught  in  Harvard 
College  before;  and  it  was  with  no  little  difficulty  that  a  volun 
teer  class  of  eight  was  found  desirous,  or  at  least  willing,  to 

1  Cf .  Inaugural  Address,   Works,  V. 

2  A  comparison  of  the  first  three  editions  shows  that  the  revisions 
consist  of  expansions  and  additions,  contractions  and  omissions,  and 
different  arrangement  of   material,  but  these  changes  affected   rather 
the  manner  of  presentation  than  the  material  itself.    Each  had  approxi 
mately  280  pages.    The  21st  revised  edition  appeared  in  Boston  in  1859. 

3  The  first  German  grammar  in  English  in  America  was  a  reprint 
of  the  London  edition  of  Bachmair's  grammar,  Phila.,  1772.   A  German 
Grammar  appeared  also  in  Phila.,  1788.    Cf.  Circular  of  Infor.,  No.  3, 
106,  U.  S.  Bureau  of  Ed.,  1913. 

4  For  an  account  of  this  new  method,  cf .    Westminster  Review, 
1829,  X,  284ff. 

s  Vol.  IX,  77. 

8  Harvard  Reminiscences,  117ff. 

'f   V 
—  103  —  .    ,.  OF  ! 

BNIVER3IT 
O 


POLLEN  IN  AMERICA 

avail  themselves  of  his  (Pollen's)  services.  I  was  one  of  that 
class.  We  were  looked  upon  with  very  much  the  amazement 
with  which  a  class  in  some  obscure  tribal  dialect  of  the  re 
motest  Orient  would  be  now  regarded.  We  knew  of  but  two 
or  three  persons  in  New  England  who  could  read  German ; 
though  there  were  probably  many  more  of  whom  we  did  not 
know.  There  were  no  German  books  in  the  book-stores.  A 
friend  gave  me  a  copy  of  Schiller's  "Wallenstein,"  which  I 
read  as  soon  as  I  was  able  to  do  so,  and  then  passed  it  from 
hand  to  hand  among  those  who  could  obtain  nothing  else  to 
read.  There  was  no  attainable  class-book  that  could  be  used 
as  a  Reader.  A  few  copies  of  Noehden's  Grammar  were  im 
ported,  and  a  few  copies  I  forget  of  whose  Pocket  Dictionary, 
fortunately  too  copious  for  an  Anglo-Saxon  pocket,  and  sug 
gesting  the  generous  amplitude  of  the  I^ow  Dutch  costume,  as 
described  in  Irving's  mythical  'History  of  New  York/  The 
German  Reader  for  Beginners,  compiled  by  our  teacher,  was 
furnished  to  the  class  in  single  sheets  as  it  was  needed,  and 
was  printed  in  Roman  type,  there  being  no  German  type  within 
easy  reach.1  There  could  not  have  been  a  happier  intro 
duction  to  German  literature  than  this  little  volume.  It  con 
tained  choice  extracts  in  prose,  all  from  writers  that  still 
hold  an  unchallenged  place  in  the  hierarchy  of  genius,  and 
poems  from  Schiller,  Goethe,  Herder,  and  several  poets  of 
kindred,  if  inferior,  fame.  But  in  the  entire  volume  Dr.  Pollen 
rejoiced  especially  in  several  battle-pieces  from  Korner,  the 
soldier  and  martyr  of  liberty,  whom  we  then  supposed  to  be 
our  teacher's  fellow-soldier,  though,  in  fact,  he  fell  in  battle 
when  Dr.  Pollen  was  just  entering  the  University.  I  never 
have  heard  recitations  which  have  inspired  me  so  strongly  as 
the  reading  of  these  pieces  by  Dr.  Pollen,  who  would  put  into 
them  all  of  the  heart  and  soul  that  had  made  him  too  much  a 
lover  of  his  country  to  be  suffered  to  dwell  in  it.  He  appended 
to  the  other  poems  in  the  first  edition  of  the  Reader,  anony 
mously,  a  death  song  2  in  memory  of  Korner,  which  we  all 

1  A  second  edition  in  German  type  was  printed  in  1831. 

2  This   elegy  was   first  published   in  the  Freye  Stimmcn,  No.  36. 
Follen  considered  this  poem  as  one  of  his  best  productions. 

—  104  — 


PROMOTION  OF  GERMAN  STUDIES 

knew  to  be  his  own,  and  which  we  read  so  often  and  so  feel 
ingly  that  it  sank  indelibly  into  permanent  memory ;  and  I  find 
that  after  an  interval  of  sixty  years  it  is  as  fresh  in  my  recol 
lection  as  the  hymns  that  I  learned  in  my  childhood. 

"Dr.  Pollen  was  the  best  of  teachers.  Under  him  we 
learned  the  grammar  of  the  language,  in  great  part,  in  situ, — 
forms  and  constructions,  except  the  most  elementary,  being 
explained  to  us  as  we  met  them  in  our  reading  lessons,  and 
explained  with  a  clearness  and  emphasis  that  made  it  hard  to 
forget  them.  At  the  same  time  he  pointed  out  all  that  was 
specially  noteworthy  in  our  lessons,  and  gave  us,  in  English 
much  better  than  ours,  his  own  translations  of  passages  of 
peculiar  interest  or  beauty.  He  bestowed  great  pains  in  bring 
ing  our  untried  organs  into  use  in  the  more  difficult  details  of 
pronunciation,  particularly  in  the  o,  the  u,  the  r,  and  the  ch, 
on  which  he  took  us  each  separately  in  hand." 

In  regard  to  the  library  facilities  for  work  in  German  at 
that  time  there  are  many  conflicting  statements.  In  1817 
Harvard  possessed  scarcely  20,000  volumes  all  told.  In  that 
year  Edward  Everett  brought  from  Germany  a  number  of 
books  which  laid  the  foundation  of  a  German  library.  To 
these  were  added  about  the  same  time  a  large  number  of  scien 
tific  works  on  American  geography  and  history,  purchased  by 
Mr.  I.  Thorndike  from  Prof.  Ebeling's  library  *  in  Hamburg, 
and  this  collection  was  increased  in  1819  by  a  thirty-volume 
set  of  Goethe's  works.2  It  is  quite  probable,  however,  that  no 
literary  works  besides  Goethe's  were  accessible  to  the  public, 
hence  we  may  conclude  that  Peabody's  statement  represents 
pretty  nearly  the  true  status  of  affairs.  Ticknor's  private 

1  Cf.  American  Monthly  Review,  March,  1832. 

2  These  books  were  presented  to  the  library  by  Goethe  himself. 
The  gift  was  accompanied  by  a  letter  now  extant  only  in  translation, 
as  follows :    "The  above  poetical  and  scientific  works  are  presented  to 
the  library  of  the  university  of  Cambridge  in  New  England  as  a  mark 
of  deep  interest  in  its  high  literary  character  and  in  the  successful  zeal 
it  has  displayed  through  so  long  a  course  of  years  for  the  promotion 
of  solid  and  elegant  learning."     Cf.  Viereck,  Report  of  Com.  of  Ed., 
1907,  552. 

—  105  — 


FOLLEN  IN  AMERICA 

library  contained  a  good  collection  of  German  books  according 
to  one  of  Pollen's  letters  to  Beck.1  The  coming  of  Follen  to 
Harvard  did  much  to  increase  enthusiasm  for  things  German  2 
and  from  this  time  on  the  number  of  German  books  increased 
rapidly  in  Boston.  According  to  its  Catalogue  the  Boston 
Athenaeum  already  possessed  in  1827  a  few  translations  from 
such  writers  as  Goethe,  Schiller,  Herder,  and  the  Schlegels. 
To  these  were  added  at  this  time  the  works  in  the  original  of 
Goethe,  Schiller,  Herder,  I^essing,  Jacobi,  Wieland,  Novalis, 
Tieck,  Uhland,  Richter,  A.  W.  and  Fr.  Schlegel.  By  1831  the 
Harvard  library  contained  in  addition  to  the  works  above 
named  those  of  Kant,  Fichte,  Schelling,  and  Schleiermacher. 
That  Follen  at  once  made  a  good  impression  at  Harvard 
is  attested  by  Professor  Ticknor,  who  wrote  to  a  friend  in  1826 
as  follows  :3  "Our  German  teacher,  Dr.  Follen,  a  young  man 
who  left  his  country  for  political  reasons,  is  a  fine  fellow,  an 
excellent  scholar,  and  teaches  German  admirably.  He  is  a 
modest,  thorough,  faithful  German  scholar,  who  will  do  good 
among  us  and  be  worth  your  knowing."  Follen  possessed  the 
rare  gift  of  winning  the  love  and  esteem  of  all  who  came  into 
his  presence.  The  powerful  influence  which  he  exerted  upon 
his  friends  w^as  due  as  much  to  the  magic  of  his  personality  as 
to  his  broad  scholarship ; ;  and  he  accomplished  as  much  for 
his  pupils  through  the  enthusiasm  and  inspiration  which  he 
aroused  in  them  as  through  the  knowledge  which  he  imparted. 
These  qualities  made  him  one  of  the  most  popular  and  success 
ful  teachers  at  Harvard.  From  the  very  outset  he  was  ad 
mitted  into  the  circle  of  Boston's  most  distinguished  men  and 
women,  and  was  always  a  welcome  guest  at  their  social  gather 
ings,  reading  circles,  and  educational  meetings.  Numerous 
entries  in  the  diary  4  which  he  kept  for  a  few  months  during 
the  winter  of  1827-'28,  show  that  the  conversation  of  these 
gatherings  often  turned  to  topics  of  German  art,  literature,  and 

1  Works,  I,  161. 

2  Cf .  Miss  Peabody's  Reminiscences  of  Channing,  339. 

3  Life,  Letters  and  Journal,  I,  351. 

4  Works,  I,  182ff. 

—  106  — 


PROMOTION  OF  GERMAN  STUDIES 

philosophy, — subjects  in  which  he  became  a  guide  and  inter 
preter  to  Boston's  intellectual  circles  at  a  time  when  the  study 
and  appreciation  of  German  culture  was  beginning  to  be 
awakened  in  New  England.  For  example,  at  one  of  these 
meetings  he  spent  the  evening  discussing  with  his  friends  the 
history  and  character  of  German  art  and  literature  in  general. 
Several  evenings  he  entertained  the  company  by  reading  and 
explaining  portions  of  Gower's  translation  of  "Faust,"  thus 
arousing  their  interest  in  the  study  of  Goethe.  So  effective 
was  his  reading  and  interpretation  that  his  delighted  audience 
had  to  admit  that  none  but  Shakespeare  had  written  with  the 
power  displayed  by  the  great  German.  On  other  occasions  he 
gave  descriptions  of  German  student  life  and  discussed  the 
works  of  such  writers  as  Herder,  Kant,  and  Jean  Paul.  By 
means  of  correspondence  with  some  of  the  most  scholarly  men 
of  the  country  Follen  was  able  to  enlarge  the  sphere  of  his 
influence  in  extending  a  knowledge  of  German  culture  to  still 
wider  circles.  With  J.  Q.  Adams,  who  was  a  connoisseur  and 
admirer  of  German  literature,  he  carried  on  an  intimate  corres 
pondence,  in  which  he  acted  in  the  capacity  of  guide  and  critic, 
answering  many  questions  and  giving  much  information  in 
general  pertaining  to  German  writers.  To  Mr.  Tracy,  the 
translator  of  Fouque's  "Undine"  he  gave  encouragement  and 
much  practical  assistance  not  only  through  his  critical  annota 
tions  of  the  text,  but  also  by  his  explanation  of  many  obscure 
allusions  and  difficult  passages. 

Follen  not  only  acted  as  interpreter  of  German  literature, 
but  had  many  valuable  ideas  also  concerning  German  educa 
tional  methods.  Miss  Elizabeth  Peabody,  who  was  at  that 
time  a  teacher  in  Boston  and  later  became  the  pioneer  of  the 
Kindergarten  movement  in  this  country,  profited  greatly  no 
doubt  by  her  conversations  with  him  on  educational  matters. 
She  relates  x  that  in  the  autumn  of  1827  began  a  series  of  in 
formal  meetings,  sometimes  at  Dr.  Channing's  and  sometimes 
at  the  home  of  Jonathan  Phillips,  for  discussing  the  general 
subject  of  the  education  of  children.  Among  those  who  at- 

1  Reminiscences  of  Channing,  250. 
—  107  — 


POLLEN  IN  AMERICA 

tended  the  meetings  were  Dr.  and  Mrs.  Channing,  Mr.  Phillips, 
Dr.  Pollen,  the  two  Peabody  sisters,  and  occasionally  Mr.  G. 
F.  Thayer  and  Mr.  Wm.  Russell,  editor  of  the  Journal  of 
Education.  The  conversation  ranged  over  every  department 
of  education,  inquiring  into  the  comparative  study  of  lan 
guages,  ancient  and  modern,  and  into  science,  history,  fiction, 
and  poetry  as  means  of  education.  Miss  Peabody  adds  that 
three  minds  so  harmoniously  yet  so  utterly  different  in  their 
discipline,  so  entirely  self-determined  and  so  independent  as 
Channing's,  Pollen's,  and  Phillips'  made  these  discussions  very 
rich.  Miss  Peabody  relates  further a  that  in  all  educational 
discussions  Pollen  earnestly  maintained  that  the  child  should 
be  handled  not  with  reference  to  his  future,  but  to  his  present 
perfection ;  that  the  father  of  the  man  is  the  perfect  child  in 
the  balance  of  childish  beauty,  and  not  the  child  prematurely 
developed  into  a  man;  that  education  which  does  the  latter 
both  destroys  the  child  and  dwarfs  the  man.  Froebel's  prin 
ciples  were  thus  suggested,  says  Miss  Peabody,  and  one  of  the 
questions  discussed  among  them  was  how  to  employ  in  their 
childish  pleasures  the  faculties,  mechanical,  imaginative,  and 
scientific  without  taking  the  children  out  of  the  child-life  of 
love  and  joy. 

According  to  Miss  Peabody,2  Pollen  as  well  as  Channing 
and  Phillips  advocated  the  development  of  the  child's  faculties 
for  personal  investigation,  whether  in  nature  or  in  language, 
before  burdening  the  memory  with  other  men's  words.  All 
three  aimed  at  moral  and  intellectual  freedom.  Channing 
argued  3  for  the  study  of  the  ancient  languages  on  the  ground 
that  language  is  the  first  creation  of  the  human  mind  and,  if 
taught  by  what  he  called  the  reasonable  method,  that  is,  by 
comparing  the  new  idiom  with  the  vernacular  as  is  done  in 
translating,  with  which  he  thought  language  study  should 
begin,  puts  the  mind  into  possession  of  itself.  Pollen  on  the 
other  hand,  who  had  his  fill  of  Greek  and  Latin  in  his  German 

1  Ibid.,  256. 

2  Ibid.,  264. 

3  Ibid.,  251. 

-  108  — 


PROMOTION  OF  GERMAN  STUDIES 

education,  did  not  deny  the  value  of  the  classic  languages,  but 
advocated  x  the  study  of  them  in  a  later  stage  of  education. 
He  maintained  that  the  study  of  the  mother  tongue  together 
with  the  colloquial  use  of  modern  languages,  especially  of  the 
German,  which  is  so  homogeneous  and  vegetative  in  its  forma 
tions,  could  be  so  alternated  with  the  study  of  nature  as  to 
secure  the  liberalizing  end  sought ;  accordingly  he  advocated 
strongly  the  study  of  the  natural  sciences  in  early  education, 
and  described  the  process  of  mind  in  its  investigation  of  natural 
objects,  which  he  thought  involved  a  still  greater  play  of  the 
imagination  than  language-study,  leading  to  direct  knowledge 
of  the  Infinite  Mind,  that  states  itself  purely  as  laws  of  nature, 
while  language  phenomena  are  so  largely  exponents  of  the 
disorderly  play  of  the  human  faculties.  He  believed  that  the 
universal  attraction  of  the  young  mind  to  the  analysis  of  nat 
ural  objects,  and  the  health  of  the  body  incidental  to  studying 
them,  not  in  scientific  treatises  but  in  living  nature,  suggests 
that  the  early  part  of  a  child's  education  should  be  of  this  cast 
rather  than  the  other. 

The  foregoing  will  serve  to  show  how  thus  early  Pollen 
was  advocating  the  new  German  methods  of  education  as 
originated  by  Pestalozzi  and  developed  by  Froebel.  When 
writing  her  Reminiscences  in  1877,  Miss  Peabody  observes  2 
that  everything  she  heard  about  what  was  called  the  New  Edu 
cation  only  recalled  Pollen's  discussions  of  these  same  methods 
a  half  century  earlier. 

As  instructor  at  Harvard  Pollen  was  required  to  teach 
six  hours  per  day  three  days  in  the  week.  That  his  efforts 
and  influence  were  beginning  to  bear  fruit  is  shown  by  a  letter  s 
written  to  his  father  in  1829 :  "The  study  of  the  German  lan 
guage  and  literature  is  steadily  increasing.  Many  young 
Americans,  particularly  theological  students,  who  have  finished 
their  studies  here,  are  travelling  in  Germany,  in  order  to  begin 
there  anew  and  then  to  make  the  dead  riches  of  German  learn- 

1  Ibid.,  257ff. 

2  Reminiscences  of  Channlng,  257. 

3  Works,  I,  265. 

—  109  — 


FOLLEN  IN  AMERICA 

ing  live  here  anew  in  this  free  air."  During  the  five  years  of 
his  instructorship  he  had  been  laying  the  foundation  for  the 
larger  program  which  he  hoped  to  carry  out  as  soon  as  the 
soil  should  be  sufficiently  prepared.  So  diligently  had  he 
labored  to  arouse  an  interest  in  German  that  by  1830  an  aver 
age  of  about  sixty  students,  a  quarter  of  the  total  number 
enrolled  in  the  college,  were  attending  his  classes  each  year, 
German  books  in  native  type  were  issuing  from  the  university 
press,  German  works  were  being  added  constantly  to  the  public 
and  private  libraries,  German  books  and  teachers  of  German 
were  to  be  found  in  nearly  every  important  town  in  New  Eng 
land.1  In  Boston  a  number  of  people  were  already  able  to 
speak  the  language  and  many  more  could  read  it.  As  a  result 
the  treasures  of  German  literature  were  rapidly  gaining  intel 
ligent  interest  and  universal  acceptance. 

During  this  period  there  existed  also  at  Harvard  a  Ger 
man  Society  organized  by  a  number  of  the  scholarly  men  of 
Cambridge  and  Boston,  presumably  for  the  purpose  of  ac 
quiring  and  imparting  a  broader  knowledge  of  things  German 
than  had  hitherto  been  possible.  It  seems  that  the  only  avail 
able  information  concerning  this  organization  is  to  be  found 
on  the  paper  covers  of  an  old  German  book2  printed  in  1829. 
On  the  one  cover  of  this  book  is  pasted  a  printed  list  of  by 
laws  governing  the  association,  and  on  the  other  another 
printed  sheet  with  the  heading,  "German  Society,  1828,"  fol 
lowing  by  this  list  of  names :  C.  Follen,  $.  A.  Eliot,  G.  Tick- 
nor,  S.  H.  Perkins,  Wm.  T.  Andrews,  F.  C.  Gray,  J.  Picker 
ing,  N.  S.  Bowditch,  E.  Wiggelsworth,  F.  Ueber,  Mr.  Miese- 
galo,  T.  Searle,  J.  M.  Robinson.  From  the  fact  that  the  list 
of  original  members  is  headed  by  Follen  it  may  be  safely 
assumed  that  he  was  the  guiding  spirit  of  the  Society. 

In  1830  a  full  professorship  of  the  German  language  and 
literature  was  established  at  Harvard,  and  through  the  gen 
erosity  of  Pollen's  friends,  Mr.  Cabot,  Colonel  Perkins  and 
Mr.  J.  Phillips,  it  was  endowed  for  a  period  of  five  years, 

1  Works,  V,  132. 

2  Discovered  a  few  years  ago  among  a  lot  of  old  books  in  a  Boston 
book  store  by  L,.  L.  Mackall ;  cf .  Harvard  Graduate  Magazine,  XI,  492. 

—  110  — 


PROMOTION  OF  GERMAN  STUDIES 

with  the  understanding 1  that  it  should  be  continued  by  the 
Corporation  at  the  end  of  that  time  in  case  public  sentiment 
favored  it.  This  afforded  Follen  his  long  coveted  opportunity 
to  put  into  operation  his  larger  plans  for  the  promoting  of 
German  studies  in  America.  In  the  autumn  of  1831  he  was 
formally  inaugurated  into  his  new  position,  and  the  message 
which  he  proclaimed  in  his  address  on  German  literature, 
delivered  on  this  occasion,  was  of  such  vital  importance  and 
far-reaching  influence  that  it  not  only  aroused  the  keenest 
interest  of  the  learned  men  of  the  country,  but  called  forth 
most  favorable  comment  from  some  of  the  best  literary  jour 
nals  of  the  day,  and  highly  complimentary  letters  from  such 
men  as  J.  Q.  Adams  and  Edward  Livingston,  James  Marsh 
and  others. 

This  address  is  not  only  a  lucid  and  correct  interpretation 
of  the  German  spirit,  but  it  contains  also  the  program  of  Ger 
man  study  in  America,  which  remains  essentially  the  same 
today  after  the  lapse  of  almost  a  century.  Pollen's  chief  aim 
is  to  emphasize  the  importance  of  the  study  of  the  German 
language  and  literature  and  to  acquaint  the  American  student 
with  those  German  authors  who  seem  best  fitted  to  excite  their 
attention  and  to  reward  it  by  their  enlightening  and  inspiring 
influence.  At  the  outset  he  points  out  the  essential  difference 
between  the  French  and  German  genius  as  manifested  in  the 
literary  productions  in  the  last  half  of  the  18th  century:  in 
the  French  an  immoderate  respect  for  finish,  neatness  and 
ease,  with  an  excessive  abhorrence  for  all  inelegance,  unrefined 
simplicity,  obscurity,  and  mystery, — in  short,  a  certain  wor 
ship  of  the  outside  of  things ;  in  the  German  a  comparative 
indifference  to  finite  and  external  things,  but  an  all-absorbing 
interest  in  the  boundlessness  of  every  intellectual  pursuit  and 
a  tendency  to  embody  the  grave,  profound,  and  sublime  in 
unfinished,  obscure,  or  indefinite  forms.  The  degeneracy  of 
German  literature  in  the  17th  and  first  half  of  the  18th  cen 
tury,  which  had  been  brought  about  by  a  slavish  imitation  of 
French  taste  and  manners,  was  the  main  cause  of  the  French 

1  Works,  I,  344. 

—  Ill  — 


FOLLEN  IN  AMERICA 

contempt  for  German  works  prior  to  the  19th  century,  but 
through  the  influence  of  Mme.  de  StaeTs  book  on  Germany 
France  was  aroused  from  a  vain  idolatry  of  its  own  greatness 
to  an  enlarged  conception  and  appreciation  of  foreign  merit; 
and  from  an  object  of  common  disregard  German  literature 
and  philosophy  began  to  gain  general  interest  and  esteem  in 
that  country.  Through  the  translation  of  poor  works,  such 
as  the  plays  of  Kotzebue,  and  poor  translations  of  good  works, 
the  eye  of  English  criticism  also  had  been  blinded  to  the  true 
character  of  the  poetic  literature  of  Germany.  Just  as  a  pro 
fusion  of  heavy  or  overwrought  ornament  in  the  parts,  with 
a  lack  of  simplicity  in  the  conception  of  the  whole,  was 
wrongly  supposed  to  be  the  characteristics  of  Gothic  architec 
ture,  likewise  were  works  characterized  by  an  extravagant 
sentiment  and  diction,  by  a  visionary  philosophy  or  an  accu 
mulation  of  useless  details,  pointed  out  as  specimens  of  Ger 
man  literary  style  and  taste;  but  through  better  translations 
these  first  unfavorable  impressions  were  gradually  corrected 
until  German  literature  and  philosophy  gained  faithful  and 
impartial  study  in  England. 

After  this  general  introduction  Follen  discusses  some  of 
the  special  branches  of  learning  cultivated  by  the  German 
scholars,  beginning  with  a  short  characterization  of  German 
philosophy  and  theology.  Among  the  other  sciences  that  have 
received  special  attention  he  mentions  mathematics,  astron 
omy,  medicine,  law,  and  history.  In  jurisprudence,  as  he 
points  out,  untiring  historical  research  has  been  made  by  such 
jurists  as  Hugo  and  Savigny;  the  knowledge  of  civil  law 
vastly  promoted  by  Niebur's  discovery  of  the  ancient  Roman 
commentaries  of  Caius ;  and  great  progress  made  in  the  study 
of  penal  legislation  and  of  the  nature  and  punishment  of 
crime.  The  works  of  Grotius  on  international  law  and  his 
doctrine  of  the  natural  rights  of  man,  a  science  advanced  suc 
cessively  by  Pufendorf,  Thomasius,  Kant,  and  Fichte,  were 
a  most  valuable  contribution  to  this  department  of  learning. 
In  the  domain  of  history,  too,  literary  Germany  deserves  the 
highest  praise.  Niebur's  monumental  work  on  ancient  Rome 
is  the  greatest  of  its  kind;  while  the  works  of  J.  von  Miiller 

_  112  — 


PROMOTION  OF  GERMAN  STUDIES 

and  of  Hearing  are  in  universal  use  as  college  text-books. 
German  editions  of  the  classic  literature  of  Greece  and  Rome, 
together  with  dictionaries,  grammars  and  commentaries  are 
found  wherever  the  ancient  classics  are  studied.  Ancient 
literature  has  found  its  most  faithful  interpreters  in  Ger 
many;  and  everything  from  the  smallest  details  to  the  sub- 
limest  ideas  embodied  in  its  greatest  works  has  been  searched 
out  by  the  matchless  perseverance  and  critical  acumen  of 
German  philologists. 

But  the  most  national  of  all  her  intellectual  products, — 
the  one  which  every  native  must  fondly  cherish,  is  the  poetic 
literature  of  Germany.  This  is  divided  into  two  golden  ages, 
designated  as  the  mediaeval  and  the  modern.  Among  the  first 
fruits,  of  the  early  German  muse  were  the  great  epics  and 
lyrics  of  the  middle  ages :  The  Song  of  the  Nibelungen  is  an 
epic  inferior  to  the  Iliad  in  poetic  finish,  but  superior  to  it 
in  the  great  design  of  the  whole;  the  heroic  character  of  the 
chivalrous  Burgundians  in  unequal  contest  with  Attila's  hosts, 
and  the  tragic  conflict  between  courage,  truth,  honor,  fidelity, 
and  the  powers  of  darkness  are  portrayed  with  a  dramatic 
energy  equaled  only  by  Shakespeare.  The  love  lyrics  of  the 
knightly  minnesingers  are  a  beautiful  tribute  to  the  divine  and 
prophetic  element  which  Tacitus  said  the  ancient  Germans 
recognized  in  the  soul  of  woman.  The  theme  of  this  poetry 
is  that  reverence  for  womanly  excellence,  which  is  designated 
as  one  of  the  finest  traits  of  the  German  national  character. 
It  seeks  to  represent  the  beau  ideal  of  womanhood  in  all  its 
simple  grace  and  nature,  surrounded  by  all  the  romantic 
glamor  with  which  the  spirit  of  chivalry  loved  to  adorn  the 
object  of  its  affection.  This  early  period  of  especial  achieve 
ment  was  followed  by  centuries  of  decadence ;  but  the  libera 
tion  of  man's  higher  interests  from  the  tyranny  of  presump- 
tious  self-constituted  authority  in  the  16th  century  and  the 
revival  of  classical  learning  in  the  17th  combined  to  awaken 
a  new  intellectual  life  from  which  arose  in  the  18th  century 
the  modern  period  of  German  literature.  Through  the  inde 
pendent  genius  of  Lessing  this  young  national  literature  was 
freed  from  its  self-imposed  bondage  to  foreign  taste  and  man- 

-  113  — 


FOLLEN  IN  AMERICA 

ners,  not  in  order  to  exchange  it  for  a  vain  self-complacency 
in  exalting  the  peculiarities  of  German  life  and  character,  but 
to  get  wisdom  from  every  teacher,  foreign  or  native,  ancient 
or  modern;  from  reason  and  passion,  prudence  and  enthusi 
asm  ; — to  learn  from  all,  but  to  imitate  none ;  and  through  the 
pursuit  of  such  ideals  by  such  illustrious  men  as  Lessing, 
Klopstock,  Wieland,  Herder,  Goethe  and  Schiller  was  ush 
ered  in  the  second  golden  age  of  German  poetry. 

After  setting  forth  these  main  excellences  which  entitle 
German  literature  to  the  perusal  and  general  attention  of 
Americans,  Follen  concludes  his  discourse  with  some  special 
reasons  why  the  study  of  the  German  language  and  literature 
is  of  the  greatest  importance  to  the  English-speaking  race : 
In  the  first  place  the  ancient  German  language  is  the  mother 
of  the  English.  Innumerable  words  and  modes  of  expression 
in  which  a  nation  signifies  its  first,  simplest,  and  deepest  con 
ceptions  and  wants, — those  home-words,  which  constitute 
alike  the  elements  of  every-day  conversation  and  the  language 
of  poetry,  remain  to  this  day  essentially  the  same  in  both 
languages  and  show  that  the  ancestors  of  both  nations  must 
have  been  united,  not  merely  under  the  same  military  leader, 
but  in  daily  life,  under  the  same  roof,  at  the  same  fireside. 
Then,  too,  the  treasures  of  folk-lore,  such  as  the  wonders  of 
Red  Riding  Hood  and  Cinderella,  handed  down  for  centuries 
from  mother  to  child,  lead  the  American  child  as  well  as  the 
English  back  to  the  old  Saxon  nursery  in  the  German  father 
land  ;  and  many  proverbs  and  golden  sayings,  the  good  old 
family  furniture  and  family  jewels  of  the  nation,  are  still  used 
widely  enough  to  remind  all  whose  mother-tongue  is  either 
English  or  German  of  the  common  ancestors  from  whom  they 
are  inherited.  There  is  a  relationship  not  only  between  the 
languages  and  literatures  of  these  nations  but  also  in  the  very 
mode  of  perceiving  and  feeling  them ;  hence  those  of  English 
education  are  better  prepared  than  any  other  foreigners  to 
understand  and  enjoy  the  strength  and  beauty  of  the  German 
classics ;  and  the  further  they  advance  the  more  they  can  per 
ceive  that  the  study  of  German  is  valuable  as  an  aid  to  a  more 
comprehensive  understanding  of  their  own  language  and  lit- 

—  114  — 


PROMOTION  OF  GERMAN  STUDIES 

erature.  Through  their  profound  understanding  of  Shake 
speare  and  through  the  flexibility  and  copious  vocabulary  of 
their  language,  which  has  words  for  the  most  various  shades 
of  thought  and  feeling,  the  Germans  have  been  able  to  make 
such  a  perfect  translation  of  his  dramas  that  he  has  become 
to  them,  as  it  were,  a  native  poet, — a  fact  sufficient  in  itself 
to  show  that  those  works  which  come  from  English  genius 
find  also  in  Germany  a  kindred  mind  and  an  understanding 
heart. 

Such  was  the  message  of  the  German  spirit  which  Follen 
brought  to  the  students  of  Harvard;  such  was  the  wealth  of 
German  culture  which  he  hoped  to  make  accessible  to  the 
American  public  through  his  professorial  position.  By  means 
of  his  address,  which  was  published  and  sent  in  various  direc 
tions,  he  not  only  opened  the  public  eye  to  the  treasures  of 
one  of  the  greatest  literatures  of  modern  Europe,  but  at  the 
same  time  sought  to  dispel  some  of  the  delusions  concerning 
it  which  were  current  in  academic  circles.  In  a  clear  and 
convincing  manner  he  exonerated  German  philosophy  from 
the  charge  of  obscure  reasoning  and  irreverent  tendencies,  and 
German  theology  from  the  charge  of  skepticism.  In  like  man 
ner  he  not  only  corrected  the  erroneous  idea  that  the  German 
language  is  especially  difficult  and  that  German  poetry  is  given 
to  mysticism,  wild  rhapsody  and  empty  bombast,  but  gave 
positive  reasons  why  these  are  in  their  very  nature  of  per 
manent  interest  to  those  whose  mother-tongue  is  English  and 
why  their  study  is  of  the  highest  cultural  value. 

From  this  time  on  Follen  gave  in  addition  to  his  instruc 
tion  in  the  language  a  regular  course  of  lectures  on  German 
literature,  which  was  well  attended  and  highly  appreciated  by 
the  students  of  Harvard.  In  order  to  bring  his  message  to 
a  still  wider  public  he  wrote  a  series  of  lectures  on  the  life 
and  works  of  Schiller,  which  he  delivered  in  Boston  during 
the  winter  of  1831-'32  and  again  a  few  years  later  upon  two 
occasions  to  a  large,  appreciative  audience  in  New  York. 
Prior  to  1817  Schiller  was  known  in  America  mainly  through 
mutilated  translations  of  his  early  dramas,  especially  "The 
Robbers";  and  the  mere  fact  that  he  wrote  for  the  stage  was 

-  115  — 


FOLLEN  IN  AMERICA 

in  itself  sufficient  to  condemn  him  in  the  opinion  of  puritanical 
New  England  where  the  theater  was  regarded  almost  as  an 
institution  of  the  devil.  Even  as  late  as  1834  the  American 
Quarterly  Observer  *  lamented  the  fact  that  a  man  of  Schil 
ler's  great  talent  had  "devoted  all  his  powers  to  an  amusement 
which  is  at  war  with  good  taste  and  good  morals,"  and  as 
serted  that  a  man  to  whose  desires  and  feelings  the  scriptural 
expression  "beauty  of  holiness"  2  could  be  applied  would  not 
have  dedicated  the  greater  part  of  his  life  to  adorn  and  dignify 
the  stage.  In  the  same  year  so  eminent  a  scholar  as  F.  H. 
Hedge  regretted  3  "that  a  writer  of  Schiller's  standing  in  this 
age  of  the  world  should  have  devoted  the  principal  part  of  his 
life  to  a  department  of  art  so  questionable  in  its  tendency  and 
so  surely  destined  to  decay  as  the  drama."  But  after  the  re 
turn  of  the  Gottingen  men  *  the  North  American  Review  and 
several  other  prominent  magazines  threw  the  weight  of  their 
influence  on  the  side  of  German  literature  and  from  that  time 
on  Schiller  began  to  grow  in  favor  and  to  receive  intelligent 
appreciation  by  our  most  scholarly  men. 

In  1833  the  first  American  reprint  of  Carlyle's  "Life  of 
Schiller"  appeared  in  Boston,  with  a  general  preface  by  Park 
Benjamin  and  an  introduction  by  Professor  Follen.  This 
book  along  with  the  excellent  reviews  which  it  called  forth 
gave  Schiller  an  assured  standing  in  America.  Although  the 
editors  and  reviewers  note  the  unusual  ability  of  the  English 
biographer  they  do  not  mention  Carlyle  by  name, — a  fact 
which  seems  to  indicate,  strangely  enough,  that  they  were  un 
certain  at  least  concerning  the  authorship  of  the  distinguished 
work.5  In  view  of  the  fact  that  Carlyle's  book  met  with  little 
success  in  Germany  at  the  time  and  that  its  value  has  been 

1 II,  173f. 

2  An  experession  applied  to  Schiller's  morality  by  Follen. 

8  Christian  Examiner,  XVI,  391. 

4  The  first  American  students  who  entered  the  University  of  Got 
tingen. 

5Cf.  North  American  Review,  Vol.  39   (New  Series,  Vol.  30),  p. 
Iff,  July,  1834. 

—  116  — 


PROMOTION  OF  GERMAN  STUDIES 

appreciated  by  German  scholars  only  of  late,  it  is  all  the  more 
significant  that  Fallen  should  have  been  one  of  the  first  to 
recognize  its  importance.1  With  keen  critical  insight  Follen 
praises  the  work  as  a  biography  in  the  true  sense  of  the  word ; 
not  merely  a  recital  of  events  or  a  description  of  the  peculiar 
ities  and  gradual  unfolding  of  Schiller's  character,  but  chiefly 
a  critical  analysis  of  his  works,  in  which  the  main  part  of 
such  a  life  consists.  He  points  out  further  that  the  English 
biographer  not  only  possesses  that  philosophic  universality  of 
perception  and  interest,  which  is  necessary  for  a  just  estima 
tion  of  foreign  merit,  but  that  he  has  also  a  peculiar  aptness 
for  appreciating  the  characteristic  excellence  of  Schiller.  By 
a  comparison  with  the  original  Follen  points  out  several  mis 
interpretations  and  incorrect  translations  in  the  English  edi 
tion  and  corrects  them  in  the  American  reprint.  He  charac 
terizes  the  work,  on  the  whole  as  one  of  the  best  specimens 
of  English  criticism.  These  pertinent  remarks  by  Follen,  who 
was  considered  by  his  contemporaries  as  the  best  authority  on 
German  literature  in  this  country,  elicited  favorable  editorial 
comment  from  the  literary  magazines  and  aroused  general  in 
terest  in  this  anonymous  work  on  Schiller. 

The  most  valuable  part  of  this  introduction  is  Fo lien's 
deeply  appreciative  characterization  of  Schiller's  poetry, 
which  is  important  enough  to  be  quoted  here  in  full:  "Schil 
ler's  poetry  is  distinguished  by  its  moral  character.  But  its 
morality  is  not  that  of  the  philosopher  who  insists  on  an  entire 
separation  of  the  moral  principle  from  all  natural  desires; 
nor  that  of  the  theologian  who  maintains  that  holiness  consists 
in  denying  and  crucifying  the  natural  affections.  It  is  a  mo 
rality  that  flows  from  the  heart  freely  and  bountifully,  receiv 
ing  and  merging  in  its  wide  and  deep  channel  all  natural  de 
sires  and  affections.  It  is  the  morality  of  nature,  the  beauty 
of  holiness,  the  quickening  spirit  of  love  and  happiness; 
which  breathes  in  all  his  works  and  sheds  a  saint-like  glory 
upon  his  life  and  sufferings.  His  whole  life  was  spent  in 
communing  with  the  Spirit  of  Truth  that  had  revealed  itself 
to  him  in  the  bright  raiment  of  poetry,  and  in  delivering  to  his 

1  Cf .  Albert  Ludwig,  Schiller  und  die  deutsche  Nachwelt,  185ff. 
—  117  — 


FOLLEN   IN  AMERICA 

countrymen  his  poetic  mission.  At  a  time  when  patriotic  en 
thusiasm  and  poet-worship  had  extolled  his  merit  above  what 
is  attained  by  mere  human  effort,  he  alone  seemed  ignorant 
of  the  eminence  upon  which  he  stood  because  he  measured 
his  attainments  not  by  what  lay  behind  him  and  below  but 
by  what  he  saw  before  him  and  above.  Of  him  whose  image 
found  an  altar  in  every  heart,  of  him  it  may  well  be  said  that 
while  all  rejoiced  in  the  light  of  his  countenace  he  himself 
'wist  not  that  his  face  shone.'  " 

The  only  portion  of  Pollen's  lectures  on  German  litera 
ture  preserved  complete  is  that  relating  to  Schiller.  Although 
a  few  copies  of  Carlyle's  work  had  probably  been  imported 
before  1832,  it  was  Follen  who  gave  the  first  comprehensive 
account  of  Schiller's  life  and  works  to  any  considerable  num 
ber  of  Americans.  These  lectures  open  with  an  interesting 
biographical  sketch  followed  by  a  detailed  account  of  each  of 
the  nine  complete  dramas,  interspersed  with  translations  of 
representative  passages  along  with  a  running  commentary  on 
the  same.  Through  his  broad  knowledge  of  men  and  his  deep 
insight  into  human  nature  Follen  was  able  to  present  in  the 
main  an  accurate  and  appreciative  analysis  of  Schiller's  chief 
dramatic  characters ;  and  for  the  most  part  his  critical  obser 
vations  differ  from  those  of  Carlyle  only  in  a  few  minor 
details. 

Since  it  is  mainly  through  the  "Robbers"  that  Schiller 
was  known  to  the  American  public,  and  chiefly  by  the  crudi 
ties  of  this  play  that  his  character  as  a  poet  was  judged,  Follen 
entered  into  a  thorough  discussion  of  this  drama.  He  saw  in 
this  first  dramatic  production  of  Schiller  all  the  moral  and 
spiritual  elements  of  the  author's  character,  especially  his  rev 
erence  for  religion,  truth  and  freedom,  which  are  exhibited 
here  as  coming  in  conflict  not  only  with  the  decrees  of  fate, 
as  in  the  ancient  drama,  but  rather  with  the  unnatural  insti 
tutions  of  society,  the  authority  of  priests  and  princes,  cus 
toms  and  fashions, — in  short,  with  the  united  despotism  of  the 
sword,  the  pen,  and  the  money-bag.  Follen  had  a  deeply  sym 
pathetic  appreciation  of  this  tragic  conflict,  for  he,  too,  like 
the  main  character,  Karl  Moor,  had  suffered  from  his  over- 

-  118  - 


PROMOTION  OF  GERMAN  STUDIES 

zealous  attempt  to  promote  the  welfare  of  society.  He  thought 
that  not  only  the  enemies  but  also  the  friends  which  Schiller 
gained  by  his  bold  attack  upon  tyranny  frequently  overlooked 
what  he  calls  the  "sublime  moral"  of  the  play, — the  tragic 
results  that  accrue  to  him  who  of  his  own  free  will  cannot 
yield  obedience  to  the  moral  law.  This  was  the  very  struggle 
through  which  Follen  himself  had  passed,  and  it  was  his  vic 
tory  over  self  that  had  saved  him  from  the  fate  that  overtook 
Karl  Moor. 

As  a  student  of  psychology  and  ethics  Follen  was  deeply 
interested  also  in  the  character  of  Franz  Moor.  Schlegel  calls 
Franz  a  mere  copy  of  Richard  III.  without  any  of  those  en 
nobling  qualities  which  arouse  both  abhorrence  and  admiration 
for  the  latter ;  and  Carlyle  also  characterizes  him  as  an  ampli 
fied  but  distorted  image  of  lago  and  Richard  without  the  least 
air  of  reality.  Follen  on  the  other  hand  sees  in  Franz  "a 
villain  of  an  original  and  highly  interesting  cast."  By  a  care 
ful  comparison  of  Franz  and  Richard  he  shows  that  the  points 
of  difference  between  them  are  of  more  importance  than  the 
resemblances  and  that  "although  there  exists  between  them  a 
certain  family  likeness,  yet  they  differ  essentially  in  those  nice 
features  of  dramatic  portraiture  which  constitute  the  individ 
uality  of  the  picture."  Follen  denies  that  Richard  possesses 
any  ennobling  traits  except  great  ingenuity  and  astonishing 
bravery.  Franz,  he  asserts,  possesses  also  these  qualities,  "but 
his  bravery  is  displayed  in  another  field ;  his  heroism  and  tac 
tics  are  exhibited  in  fighting  the  enemy  within,  sometimes  by 
boldly  giving  battle,  sometimes  by  wisely  avoiding  it."  As  for 
the  air  of  reality  Follen  does  not  claim  that  "such  a  beau- 
ideal  of  an  atheist- tyrant  is  to  be  found  in  reality,  chiefly  per 
haps  because  the  restraints  of  society  prevent  men  of  this  dis 
position  from  acting  out  their  whole  nature ;  but  all  the  ele 
ments  of  such  a  character  certainly  exist  among  men  and  the 
disjecta  membra  of  this  monster  may  be  easily  pointed  out, 
from  which  the  poet  has  formed  one  self-consistent  individ 
ual."  To  Carlyle's  criticism  that  "so  reflective  a  miscreant  as 
Franz  could  not  exist  because  his  calculations  would  lead  him 
to  honesty,  if  merely  because  it  was  the  best  policy,"  Follen 

—  119  — 


POLLEN  IN  AMERICA 

replies  that  "the  philosophy  of  Franz  is  not  employed,  like 
that  of  Paley,  in  finding  what  sort  of  enjoyment  will  in  the 
long  run  afford  the  greatest  pleasure  and  in  choosing,  accord 
ingly,  the  means  to  the  end  sought;  it  has  nothing  to  do  with 
the  ends  of  existence,  but  simply  with  the  infinite  variety  of 
means.  The  great  end  and  aim  of  all  his  action  is  set,  not  by 
his  reasoning  powers,  but  by  the  uncontrolled  impulse  of  his 
sensual  nature,  which  craves  absolute  dominion.  The  end  be 
ing  given  his  mind  delights  in  overlooking  the  whole  range  of 
means  and  in  choosing  them,  good  or  bad,  according  to  his 
desires," — an  excellent  characterization  of  the  villain  Franz 
Moor. 

By  this  careful  analysis  and  criticism  of  the  play  Follen 
aims  to  show  that  in  spite  of  the  youthful  excesses  of  an  ex 
uberant  and  unbridled  fancy  this  drama  contains  all  the  nobler 
elements  of  human  nature,  and  that  "the  author's  design  is 
to  indicate  that  even  the  most  ardent  love  of  justice  and  free 
dom  and  heroic  resistance  to  every  kind  of  oppression  must 
lead  to  error  and  crime  if  it  does  not  induce  us  first  to  de 
throne  the  selfish  passions  and  establish  the  perfect  law  of 
liberty  in  our  own  souls."  He  points  out  further  that  this 
play  is  merely  the  first  fruit  of  a  youthful  dramatic  genius ; 
that  its  originality  and  power  is  only  a  crude  indication  of 
what  is  to  follow  in  Schiller's  mature  works  of  art. 

In  like  manner  Follen  treats  the  remainder  of  Schiller's 
dramas,  making  many  original  and  highly  pertinent  observa 
tions  and  occasionally  taking  issue  with  the  criticisms  of 
Schlegel  and  Carlyle. 

The  last  lecture  is  devoted  to  a  brief  sketch  of  Schiller's 
dramatic  fragments,  followed  by  a  short  account  of  Goethe's 
literary  activity  and  closing  with  a  general  characterization  of 
Schiller's  poetic  nature.  In  this  delineation  Follen  begins  with 
Goethe's  well-known  expression  that  "Schiller  preached  the 
gospel  of  freedom,"  explaining  that  the  word  freedom  is  to  be 
taken  in  the  sense  of  Kant's  philosophy,  as  synonymous  with 
the  moral  nature  of  man.  He  explains  that  Schiller's  enthusi 
asm  for  freedom  is  the  living  spring  and  the  life-blood  of  all 
his  poetry ;  that  in  the  dramas  of  his  Storm  and  Stress  period, 

—  120  — 


PROMOTION  OF  GERMAN  STUDIES 

which  may  be  called  the  heroic  age  of  his  literary  activity, 
this  spirit  appears  in  the  form  of  a  Hercules  going  about  to 
free  the  earth  from  tyrants  and  monsters;  that  it  is  the  in 
stinct  of  liberty  warring  against  the  tyranny  of  circumstances 
and  arbitrary  institutions.  This  love  of  liberty,  Pollen  adds, 
is  with  Schiller  not  a  negative  or  destructive  principle,  but  a 
striving  after  freedom  from  oppression, — from  all  kinds  of 
unnatural  and  unreasonable  restraints  so  that  the  spiritual 
principle  of  human  nature  may  unfold  itself  fully  in  the  in 
dividual  and  in  society;  it  is  only  a  manifestation  of  his  pure 
delight  in  perfection,  his  love  of  nature,  of  man,  and  of  God. 
Schiller  loved  nature  for  herself  in  all  her  various  shapes  and 
moods,  but  he  loved  best  those  things  in  nature  which  call 
forth  most  effectively  the  energies,  the  strong  and  tender  emo 
tions  and  high  aspirations  of  the  soul;  all  that  reminds  man 
of  his  high  destiny  and  that  aids  him  to  attain  it.  His  dramas 
are,  therefore,  as  Follen  conceives  them,  a  revelation  of  moral 
beauty ;  a  revelation  of  his  faith  that  man  alone  is  able  to  form 
his  own  character,  and  capable  of  infinite  advancement.  Since 
the  moral  freedom  of  man  is  the  native  soil  of  Schiller's  po 
etry,  as  Follen  concludes,  every  good  principle  loves  to  grow 
in  it,  and  for  this  very  reason  it  does  not  appear  as  a  forced 
product  of  rigid  self-control,  but  as  springing  up  from  the 
abundance  of  the  heart  with  ideal  beauty. 

These  lectures  on  Schiller,  published  in  1841,  supple 
mented  the  good  work  which  the  North  American  Review  had 
begun.  Carlyle's  book  was  adapted  rather  to  the  needs  of  the 
student,  and  the  pro-German  magazines  educated  the  academic 
public  to  the  point  where  it  would  understand  and  appreciate 
this  work;  but  Pollen's  lectures  appealed  also  to  the  layman 
and  were  designed  to  make  Schiller's  name  popular  among 
the  people ;  hence  it  is  safe  to  say  that  with  the  exception  of 
Carry le  Follen  did  more  than  any  other  critic  to  introduce  and 
interpret  Schiller  to  the  American  public.1  To  those  stupid 

1  In  his  excellent  monograph  Schiller  und  die  deutsche  Nachwelt, 
Albert  Ludwig  says:  "We  must  not  forget  that  Karl  Follen,  the  man 
who  as  no  other  won  the  hearts  of  his  fellow  students  through  the 
magic  power  of  his  personality,  became  in  his  new  home  beyond  the 
sea  an  enthusiastic  prophet  of  our  national  poet  by  means  of  his  lec 
tures  and  addresses." 

—  121  — 


FOLLEN   IN  AMERICA 

criticisms  against  Schiller's  devotion  to  the  dramatic  art  Follen 
replied  in  Schiller's  own  words,1  that  the  stage  is  an  infallible 
key  to  the  secret  recesses  of  the  human  heart,  hence  the  only 
place  where  one  can  hear  what  one  rarely  or  never  hears — 
truth,  and  see  what  one  rarely  or  never  sees — man.  "The 
theater  is,"  he  maintains,  "a  school  of  practical  wisdom,  a 
moral  institution,  hence  one  of  the  most  powerful  instruments 
to  elevate  and  refine  the  character  of  a  nation." 

PHILOSOPHY. 

As  professor  of  German  literature  Follen  desired  to 
promote  the  study  of  German  philosophy  also,  which  he,  as 
a  representative  of  contemporary  German  Idealism,  considered 
"the  system  of  fundamental  and  regulative  principles  of  all 
the  various  branches  of  learning  and  knowledge,  a  department 
in  which  German  literature  is  especially  rich."  2  Soon  after  his 
arrival  at  Harvard  he  began  to  discuss  3  with  Channing  and 
other  intellectual  leaders  of  Boston  German  philosophical 
thought,  about  which  little  was  then  known  in  New  England. 

In  the  autumn  of  1828,  he  was  elected  to  an  instructor- 
ship  in  ethics  and  ecclesiastical  history  in  the  Harvard  Divin 
ity  School,  and  began  at  once  a  systematic  course  of  instruc 
tion  in  those  subjects.4  Ethics  was  a  branch  of  learning  in 
which  he  was  especially  interested  and  all  his  early  training 
had  fitted  him  for  such  a  position.  His  biographer  says  5  that 
his  method  of  instruction  was  to  give  his  class  a  subject,  upon 
which  each  member  was  to  write  his  views  and  then  hand 
them  in  for  him  to  criticise.  After  carefully  reading  these 
themes  and  pointing  out  to  the  writer  all  that  he  found  ob- 

1  Cf.  Die  Schaubiihne  als  eine  moralische  Anstalt  betrachtet,  Saku- 
lar-Ausgabe,  XI,  89ff. 

2  Works,  V,  134. 

8  Cf.  Diary,  Works,  I,  182ff. 

4  In  his  Harvard  Reminiscences,  123,  Peabody  says  that  "Pollen's 
lectures  were  of  unsurpassed  excellence  both  on  the  score  of  scientific 
knowledge  of  the  ground  which  they  covered,  and  for  the  elevated  tone 
of  feeling  which  pervaded  them." 

5  Works,  I,  260. 

122  


PROMOTION  OF  GERMAN  STUDIES 

j actionable  in  style,  reasoning,  or  judgment,  as  well  as  freely 
praising  all  that  he  found  excellent,  he  took  up  the  subject 
himself  and  treated  it  in  the  most  comprehensive  and  masterly 
manner  that  he  was  capable  of.  In  giving  his  own  views  he 
was  always  careful  to  avoid  dogmatism  and  to  show  that  on 
those  great  questions  he  considered  himself  still  a  learner  with 
his  pupils.  According  to  a  letter  1  to  his  parents  in  August, 
1829,  he  lectured  on  history  in  the  College  and  on  ethics  in 
the  Theological  School  three  days  in  the  week.  Friday  even^ 
ings  he  had  an  exercise  with  the  theological  students  in  ex 
tempore  preaching,  and  on  Saturdays  and  Sunday  evenings 
attended  with  the  other  members  of  the  theological  faculty 
the  regular  exercise  in  preaching.  Each  of  the  theological 
students  of  the  two  upper  classes  preached  in  turn  and  after 
the  service  each  member  of  the  faculty  made  his  remarks 
upon  the  exercises,  which  he,  as  the  youngest  of  the  faculty, 
had  to  begin. 

Follen  desired  to  devote  his  whole  time  to  the  field  of 
ethics,  but  when  Dr.  Palfrey  was  made  professor  of  that 
branch  in  the  autumn  of  1830  Follen  resigned  his  instructor- 
ship  in  the  Divinity  School  and  gave  his  whole  attention  to 
the  duties  of  his  professorship  of  German  literature.  Desir 
ous,  however,  of  contributing  further  to  a  general  knowledge 
of  German  philosophy  he  prepared  a  series  of  popular  lectures 
on  "Moral  Philosophy,"  which  he  delivered  to  a  large  and 
appreciative  audience  in  Boston  in  the  winter  of  1S30-'31. 
These  lectures  form  the  third  volume  of  his  published  works 
and  contain  the  subject  matter  which  he  discussed  with  his 
classes  in  the  Divinity  School.  In  these  as  in  his  other  lectures 
Follen  uses  the  historical  method,  beginning  with  fundamental 
principles,  carefully  laying  his  foundation  and  then  building 
upon  it  with  the  utmost  fidelity.  After  giving  a  short  exposi 
tion  of  the  meaning  and  scope  of  ethics  he  proceeds  with  a 
brief  sketch  of  the  various  systems  of  antiquity,  including  the 
New  Testament,  followed  by  a  discussion  of  Spinoza  and 
Kant.  These  discussions  along  with  his  running  commentary 
and  criticisms  show  that  he  was  very  much  at  home  in  the 

i  Works,  I,  262. 

—  123  — 


POLLEN  IN  AMERICA 

field    of    philosophical    thought.     After    laying   his    historical 
background  he  takes  up  the  subject  of  ethics  itself  discussing: 

( 1 )  the  foundation  of  morals  and  religion  in  human  nature ; 

(2)  the  development  of  these  principles  by  education;    (3) 
their  establishment  in  society,   chiefly  by  the  institutions  of 
church  and  state. 

Ethics,  or  morality,  as  he  conceives  it,  refers  to  human 
conduct  as  right  or  wrong,  that  is,  as  conforming  or  opposed 
to  the  dictates  of  conscience;  it  is  the  duties  of  man  enjoined 
by  reason  whether  prescribed  or  not  by  the  laws  of  society, 
or  by  what  is  conceived  as  the  will  of  God.  Thus  he  distin 
guishes  not  only  between  religion  and  morality  but  employs 
the  word  morality  in  the  scientific  sense  of  ethics.  His  ethi 
cal  system  may  be  summed  up  in  short  as  follows :  Every 
individual  must  ascertain  by  the  use  of  his  reason  in  what  his 
duty  consists ;  by  the  exercise  of  his  reason  he  can  deduce  the 
moral  law.  His  action  to  be  ethical  must  proceed  from  choice 
or  free  will,  and  from  a  desire  for  happiness.  Since  happiness 
increases  as  one  advances  toward  perfection,  then  the  ultimate 
object  of  ethical  conduct  is  human  perfection.  In  his  pursuit 
of  perfection  man  has  certain  duties  to  self,  to  society,  and  to 
God.  His  social  duties  consist  in  promoting  the  welfare  of 
his  fellow  man,  and  out  of  these  duties  arises  the  necessity  of 
civil  government,  whose  only  purpose  is  to  secure  equal  rights 
and  justice  to  all.  From  man's  religious  nature  and  his  obliga 
tions  growing  out  of  his  relations  to  God  arises  the  necessity 
of  religious  institutions. 

From  Kant  and  Fichte  Follen  accepts  the  view  that  the 
moral  law  is  the  utterance  of  reason;  with  Schiller  he  rejects 
Kant's  doctrine  that  an  act  loses  its  moral  character  if  it  is 
performed  for  the  sake  of  happiness  or  pleasure ;  with  Fries 
he  agrees  that  moral  action  should  spring  from  conviction 
through  reason,  but  disagrees  with  his  demand  that  the  con 
viction  of  the  individual  should  coincide  with  that  of  cultured 
men.  On  some  points  he  disagrees  with  Kant,  but  character 
izes  his  system  as  the  product  of  unprecedented  intellectual 
endeavor,  as  a  system  which  must  always  exert  a  profound 

—  124  — 


PROMOTION  OF  GERMAN  STUDIES 

influence  on  those  who  study  it,  causing  them  to  stand  on 
higher  ground  than  before. 

It  is  not  necessary  here  to  enter  into  any  further  discus 
sion  of  Pollen's  ethical  system.  Let  is  suffice  to  say  that  in 
these  lectures  he  gave  in  all  probability  the  first  public  discus 
sion  in  this  country  of  German  philosophical  thought,  espe 
cially  that  of  Kant.1 

President  James  Marsh  of  the  University  of  Vermont  was 
one  of  the  earliest  pioneers  in  planting  the  seeds  of  German 
theological  learning  in  this  country.  As  early  as  1821  he  was 
studying  German  with  the  aid  of  Professor  Moses  Stuart  at 
Andover,  and  soon  after  gave  some  attention  to  German  phil 
osophy.  His  biographer,  J.  Torrey,  records  2  that  "with  the 
aid  of  Coleridge  and  Mme.  de  Stael  he  began  to  consult  Kant's 
Critique  of  Pure  Reason,  then  a  perfect  terra  incognita  to 
American  scholars."  In  1829  Marsh  republished  in  this  coun 
try  Coleridge's  "Aids  to  Reflection"  with  an  introduction,  in 
which  he  sums  up  the  principal  points  of  Coleridge's  system  of 
philosophical  and  religious  thought.  In  a  letter  to  Coleridge 
the  same  year  he  wrote : 3  "The  German  philosophers,  Kant 
and  his  followers,  are  very  little  known  in  this  country;  and 
our  young  men  who  have  visited  Germany  have  paid  little 
attention  to  that  department  of  study  while  there.  I  cannot 
boast  of  being  wiser  than  others  in  this  respect;  for  though 
I  have  read  a  part  of  the  works  of  Kant,  it  was  under  many 
disadvantages,  so  that  I  am  indebted  to  your  writings  for  the 
ability  to  understand  what  I  have  read  of  his  works,  and  am 
waiting  with  some  impatience  for  that  part  of  your  works, 

1  Prior  to  this  time  Kant  was  scarcely  more  than  a  name  in  Amer 
ica.   In  his  iCentury  Discourse  (1801)  President  Dwight  of  Yale  alluded 
to  Kant  as  a  subverter  of  morals,  and  two  years  later  Samuel  Miller 
in  his  Retrospect  of  the  Eighteenth  Century  gave  a  distorted  account 
of  Kant's  philosophy  based  upon  a  London  review  of  an  English  trans 
lation  of  the  original.     In  his  American  Philosophy,  512,  Riley  states 
that  Kant's  system  found  its  first  sympathetic  interpreters  in  the  United 
States  in  certain  Pennsylvania  Germans  such  as   F.  A.   Ranch  in  his 
Psychology  of  1840  and  S.  S.  Schmucker  in  his  Mental  Philosophy  of 
1842. — Follen's  lectures,  however,  antedate  these  works  by  ten  years. 

2  Memoirs  and  Remains  of  Rev.  Dr.  Marsh,  43. 

3  Ibid.,  137. 

-  125- 


FOLLEN  IN  AMERICA 

which  will  aid  more  directly  in  the  study  of  those  subjects  of 
which  he  treats.  *  *  *  " 

Shortly  after  publishing  his  Inaugural  Address  Pollen 
received  from  Marsh  a  letter  of  inquiry  concerning  German 
philosophy  and  books  pertaining  thereto.  Follen  replied  in  a 
long  letter,1  in  which  he  recommended  the  Anthropology  of 
Kant,  the  psychologies  of  Carus  and  Fries,  Tennemann's  His 
tory  of  Philosophy,  Schulze's  and  Tasche's  works  on  logic,  the 
latter  of  which  was  compiled  from  notes  taken  on  Kant's  lec 
tures.  His  letter  closes  thus:  "If  these  books  should  be  of 
any  service  to  you,  I  should  be  happy  to  lend  them  to  you, 
and  will  send  them  in  any  way  you  may  point  out.  There  are 
many  other  topics  on  which  I  wish  to  communicate  with  you, 
particularly  the  plan  of  our  mutual  friend,  Mr.  Henry,  to  pub 
lish  a  philosophical  journal,  which  seems  to  me  a  very  desirable 
object.  I  hope  this  summer  will  not  pass  away  without  bring 
ing  me  the  pleasure  of  a  personal  acquaintance  with  you.  At 
any  rate  I  earnestly  hope  for  a  frequent  exchange  of  thought 
with  you  upon  subjects  of  such  deep  interest  to  us  both." 

This  letter  contains  the  only  information  that  the  writer 
of  this  treatise  has  been  able  to  find  concerning  the  relations 
between  Follen  and  Marsh ;  but  it  is  sufficient  to  prove,  at  least, 
that  Follen's  influence  as  an  authority  on  German  philosophical 
thought  was  making  itself  felt  in  various  directions. 

GYMNASTICS. 

The  year  1825  is  not  only  a  landmark  in  the  history  of 
German  instruction  in  the  United  States,  but  marks  also  the 
beginning  of  gymnastic  training  in  American  schools  as  a  part 
of  a  liberal  education  and  as  a  means  to  complete  harmonious 
development  of  the  whole  man.  The  impulse  which  led  to  the 
espousal  of  physical  education  in  the  19th  century  came  from 
Germany  and  was  distinctly  humanitarian  in  its  nature.  The 
pioneers  of  this  movement  in  America  were  Follen,  Beck,  and 
L,ieber,  disciples  of  that  rugged  old  German  patriot,  "Turn- 
vater"  Jahn,  whose  ideal  was  to  create  a  strong,  bold  race  of 

i  Ibid,  153. 

—  126  — 


PROMOTION  OF  GERMAN  STUDIES 

men,  vigorous  and  independent  in  body  as  well  as  in  mind.  As 
early  as  1772  this  ideal  had  found  expression  by  J.  B.  Michaelis 
in  a  poetic  letter  to  Uz  entitled  "Unsere  Bestimmung,"  in 
which  the  author  asserted  that  in  order  to  attain  the  lost  "Ge- 
sundheit  meines  Volkes"  physical  culture  was  as  necessary  as 
the  education  of  the  mind.  The  movement  thus  started  cul 
minated  in  the  endeavors  of  Jahn,  the  father  of  German  gym 
nastics. 

Brooding  over  the  humiliation  of  Germany  by  Napoleon, 
Jahn  conceived  the  idea  of  restoring  the  spirit  of  his  country 
men  by  the  development  of  their  physical  and  moral  powers 
through  the  practice  of  gymnastics.  His  object  was  to  produce 
a  manly  character  in  the  German  youth  by  means  of  a  thorough 
physical  education  and  thus  to  prepare  them  for  a  successful 
struggle  against  the  conqueror.  He  began  by  opening  up  a 
Turnplatz  at  Berlin  in  1811,  where  he  taught  the  young  gym 
nasts  to  regard  themselves  as  members  of  a  guild  for  the 
emancipation  of  the  fatherland.  Rousseau,  Basedow,  Guts 
Muths,  and  Pestalozzi  had  done  much  for  the  education  of  the 
youth,  but  Jahn  could  be  satisfied  with  nothing  less  than  the 
education  of  the  whole  people.  From  this  idea  arose  his 
"Teutsches  Volksthum"  (1810),  in  which  he  drew  with  a 
masterly  hand  all  the  features  of  the  purest,  noblest  humanity 
as  it  had  manifested  itself  in  the  strong  and  tender  character 
of  the  German  people  at  all  times,  and  pointed  out  physical 
training  as  the  means  for  the  maintenance  and  further  develop 
ment  of  this  character.  His  idea  was  to  awaken  the  Germans 
from  their  slumber  and  to  teach  them  that  only  through  the 
harmonious  cultivation  of  all  their  powers  could  they  prepare 
themselves  to  rise  in  defense  of  their  liberties.  His  ideas  of 
national  education  were  given  to  the  public  through  the  me 
dium  of  his  "Teutsche  Turnkunst,"  which  soon  gave  to  gym 
nastics  a  national  character.  In  the  many  gymnasiums  which 
now  sprung  up  all  over  the  country  the  German  youth  acquired 
for  the  most  part  the  strength  and  self-reliance  upon  which 
depended  the  issue  of  that  life  and  death  struggle  for  freedom 
and  fatherland  in  1813.  How  closely  Jahn's  work  is  connected 

—  127  — 


FOLLEN  IN  AMERICA 

with  the  development  of  universal  military  service  in  Germany, 
the  so-called  Volksheer,  is  evident. 

Such  were  the  ideas,  such  the  system  which  Pollen  and 
other  promoters  of  German  culture  sought  to  introduce  into 
American  educational  institutions. 

Prior  to  1825  physical  training  in  its  proper  sense  had  no 
recognition  or  standing  in  the  curriculum  of  American  schools 
and  colleges  except  in  the  West  Point  Military  Academy,  but 
under  the  direct  influence  of  the  Germans  physical  education 
became  a  subject  of  the  greatest  interest  in  New  England, 
especially  in  and  around  Boston,  and  Pollen  was  one  of  the 
main  leaders  of  the  movement.  It  seems  quite  probable  that 
the  Round  Hill  School  was  the  first  institution  in  the  United 
States  to  make  physical  training  a  part  of  the  regular  instruc 
tion.  A  prospectus  descriptive  of  the  new  school  informed  the 
public  that  it  was  designed  also  "to  encourage  activity  of  body 
as  the  means  of  promoting  firmness  of  constitution  and  vigor 
of  mind,  and  to  appropriate  regularly  a  portion  of  each  day  to 
healthful  sports  and  gymnastic  exercises."  This  part  of  the 
program  was  intrusted  to  the  care  of  Pollen's  friend,  Karl 
Beck,  under  whose  supervision  the  Round  Hill  Gymnasium 
was  established  in  1825.  Concerning  the  nature  of  this  first 
American  gymnasium  only  meagre  information  has  come  down 
to  us.1  A  descriptive  circular  2  issued  in  the  spring  of  1826 
shows  with  what  serious  purpose  physical  training  was  intro 
duced  in  the  school.  In  1828  Beck  made  Jahn's  "Teutsche 
Turnkunst"  accessible  to  the  public  through  an  English  trans 
lation,  in  the  preface  of  which  he  explains  that  physical  train 
ing  is  of  the  greatest  importance  not  only  for  the  individual 
but  also  for  the  national  safety  and  welfare.  Several  writers3 
note  that  Pollen  also  was  connected  with  Round  Hill  in  1825, 
but  this  is  evidently  an  error;  however  he  visited  Beck  twice 

1  Cf.   Ellis,   Recollections  of   Round   Hill,   Educational  Review,   I, 
33ff. ;  also  Hartwell,  Circular  of  Infor.,  No.  5,  p.  23,  U.  S.  Bureau  of 
Ed.,  1885. 

2  Cf.  Leonard's  article  in  Mind  and  Body,  XII,  221  f. 

3  Ellis,  Hartwell,  and  Faust  in  his  German  Element  in  the  U.  S., 
II,  214,  388. 

—  128  — 


PROMOTION  OF  GERMAN  STUDIES 

during  the  summer  of  that  year,  and  since  he  was  so  closely 
connected  with  him  in  personal  friendship  and  educational 
ideals  this  allusion  to  the  beginning  of  gymnastics  in  the  Round 
Hill  School  is  made  here. 

As  a  trained  gymnast  and  an  enthusiastic  admirer  of  Jahn 
Pollen  was  well  qualified  to  become  the  father  of  gymnastic 
training  in  American  university  life.  As  soon  as  he  reached 
Cambridge  he  began  gymnastic  exercises  with  the  students  at 
Harvard  and  soon  opened  up  the  first  college  gymnasium  in 
America.  About  three  months  after  his  arrival  he  wrote  *  to 
Beck  as  follows  concerning  his  progress :  "I  have  commenced 
gymnastic  exercises  with  the  students.  The  College  furnishes 
the  implements  and  will  give  us  a  place.  At  present  I  use  one 
of  the  dining  halls.  All  show  much  zeal.  In  Boston  a  gym 
nasium  is  soon  to  be  established.  The  matter  will  lead  further 
probably  than  most  at  present  anticipate."  The  following 
remark  in  the  "American  Journal  of  Education"  for  April, 
1826,  indicates  that  the  gymnasium  was  attracting  favorable 
attention:  "We  are  happy  to  understand  that  a  gymnasium 
has  been  instituted  at  Cambridge,  under  the  superintendence  of 
a  gentleman  from  Germany.  The  result  thus  far  is  very  satis 
factory,  both  to  the  instructors  and  the  students.  A  meeting 
has  been  held  and  a  committee  appointed  to  take  the  proper 
measures  for  establishing  a  gymnasium  in  Boston." 

In  the  "Catalogue  2  of  the  Officers  and  Students  of  the 
University  in  Cambridge"  for  the  academic  year,  1826- '27,  ap 
pears  "Charles  Follen,  J.  U.  D.,  Instructor  in  German  and 
Lecturer  on  Civil  Law;"  but  in  that  for  the  academic  year, 
1827-'28,  he  is  called  "Instructor  in  German  and  Superintend 
ent  of  the  Gymnasium;"  and  in  both  of  these  catalogues  the 
following  passage  occurs :  "The  regular  Gymnastic  exercises 
when  the  Superintendent  of  the  Gymnasium  is  present  are  on 
Wednesday  and  Friday  from  12  to  1  o'clock;  or  when  the 
length  of  the  day  admits,  after  evening  Commons.  On  Mon 
day  the  Monitors  and  Vice-Monitors  meet  separately  with  the 

1  Works,  I,  161. 

2  The   f ollowing  information   concerning  the   Harvard   Catalogues 
is  taken  from  Leonard's  article  in  Mind  and  Body,  XII,  251. 

—  129  — 


POLLEN  IN  AMERICA 

Superintendent  to  prepare  for  the  general  exercises."  The 
Catalogues  for  1828- '29  and  1S29-'30  give  Pollen  the  title, 
"Instructor  in  the  German  Language,  in  Ethics  and  in  Civil 
and  Ecclesiastical  History,"  but  make  no  mention  of  gymnastic 
exercises.  Continuing  from  1826  through  1829  the  following 
paragraph  is  included :  " Military  exercises  are  allowed  on 
Tuesday  and  Thursday  from  12  to  1  o'clock  or  after  evening 
Commons,  with  music  not  oftener  than  every  other  time  and 
the  liberty  of  a  parade  on  the  afternoon  of  Exhibition  days." 

Concerning  this  pioneer  period  of  gymnastics  at  Harvard 
very  little  information  seems  to  be  available  outside  of  a  few 
reminiscences  written  years  after  that  time.  We  know,  how 
ever,  that  Follen's  efforts  were  supported  by  an  appeal  from 
Dr.  John  C.  Warren,  who  was  at  that  time  professor  of  an 
atomy  and  surgery  in  the  Medical  College.  "In  my  lectures 
annually  delivered  at  Cambridge/'  says  Warren,1  "I  have  ex 
plained  the  great  importance  of  physical  exercise  in  developing 
the  organic  structure  of  the  body,  as  well  as  its  necessity  for 
maintaining  it  in  that  degree  of  vigor  which  by  nature  it  was 
destined  to  possess.  The  obvious  failure  of  health  in  a  great 
number  of  individuals  in  the  University  gave  weight  to  these 
considerations  and  led  the  Government  of  the  University  to 
make  some  arrangements  for  gymnastic  exercises  in  the 
grounds  assigned  for  the  sports  of  students.  The  young  gentle 
men  entered  into  the  plan  with  great  ardor,  and  the  apparatus 
was  kept  in  repair  and  activity  for  a  number  of  years." 

In  his  "Reminiscences  of  Harvard  1822-'26"  the  Rev. 
Cazneau  Palfrey  speaks  of  this  event  in  the  following  words  :2 
"The  first  movement  in  the  direction  of  gymnastics  made  in 
college  was  made  in  my  senior  year.  Dr.  Follen,  soon  after  his 
arrival  in  Boston,  excited  an  interest  in  gymnastic  exercises 
and  opened  a  gymnasium  in  the  city.  The  medical  professors 
of  the  College  published  an  appeal  to  the  students,  strongly 
recommending  to  them  the  practice  of  gymnastic  exercises; 
and  a  meeting  of  all  the  classes  was  held  in  the  College  chapel 

1  Life  of  Warren,  I,  232. 

2  The  Harvard  Register,  II,  193. 

—  130  — 


PROMOTION  OF  GERMAN  STUDIES 

(such  a  meeting  as  I  do  not  remember  hearing  of  on  any  other 
occasion),  at  which  a  response  was  made  to  this  appeal,  and 
resolutions  passed  expressing  our  readiness  to  follow  the  sug 
gestions  made  in  it.  One  of  the  unoccupied  commons  halls 
was  fitted  up  with  various  gymnastic  appliances,  and  other 
fixtures  were  erected  on  the  Delta,  the  enclosure  now  occupied 
by  Memorial  Hall.  But  Dr.  Pollen  did  not  confine  his  opera 
tions  to  these  two  localities.  One  day  he  was  to  be  seen  issuing 
from  the  College  yard  at  a  dog-trot,  with  all  the  College  at  his 
heels  in  single  file,  and  arms  akimbo,  making  a  train  a  mile  long 
bound  for  the  top  of  Prospect  Hill.  Great  was  the  amazement 
and  amusement  of  all  passers-by." 

Dr.  Peabody  also  has  handed  down  a  similar  account l  as 
follows :  "Dr.  Follen  first  introduced  gymnastics  as  a  system 
into  Harvard  College,  certainly  of  his  own  motion,  and,  as  I 
believe,  gratuitously.  The  Delta,  where  Memorial  Hall  now 
stands,  was  furnished  with  masts,  parallel  bars,  and  the  then 
usual  variety  of  apparatus  for  athletic  training  and  exercise ; 
and  one  of  the  larger  dining-rooms  under  the  chapel  in  Uni 
versity  Hall  was  similarly  fitted  up.  We  exercised  under  Dr. 
Pollen's  instruction  and  supervision.  He  taught  us  to  run  with 
the  minimum  of  fatigue,  and  with  the  body  thrown  slightly 
forward,  the  arms  akimbo,  and  breathing  only  through  the 
nose;  and  he  repeatedly  led  the  entire  body  of  students,  except 
the  few  lame  and  the  fewer  lazy,  on  a  run  without  pause,  from 
the  Delta  to  the  top  of  a  hill  now  crowned  by  the  most  con 
spicuous  of  the  Somerville  churches,  and  back  again  after  a 
ten  minutes'  halt.  One  of  my  classmates,  George  F.  Haskins 
(afterward  Rev.  Father  Haskins  of  the  Angel  Guardian),  so 
far  profited  by  Dr.  Pollen's  teaching  that  after  graduating  he 
established  and  conducted  a  gymnasium  at  Brown  University, 
and  in  later  years  of  well  and  widely  known  philanthropic 
service,  made  thorough  gymnastic  training  a  part  of  his  educa 
tional  system  for  the  boys  under  his  charge." 

Another  allusion  2  to  the  Turnplatz  on  the  Delta  is  made 

1  Harvard  Reminiscences,  120f. 

2  The  Harvard  Book,  II,  186. 

-  131  - 


POLLEN  IN  AMERICA 

by  T.  W.  Higginson,  who  was  born  in  1823  :  "One  of  my  most 
impressive  early  recollections  is  of  a  certain  moment  when  I 
looked  out  timidly  from  my  father's  gateway,  on  what  is  now 
Kirkland  Street,  in  Cambridge,  and  saw  the  forms  of  young 
men  climbing,  swinging,  and  twirling  aloft  in  the  open  play 
ground  opposite.  It  was  the  triangular  field  then  called  the 
Delta,  where  the  great  Memorial  Hall  now  stands.  The  ap 
paratus  on  which  these  youths  were  exercising  was,  to  my 
childish  eyes,  as  inexplicable  as  if  it  had  been  a  pillory  or  a 
gallows,  which  indeed  it  somewhat  resembled.  It  consisted  of 
high  uprights  and  cross-bars,  with  ladders  and  swinging  ropes, 
and  complications  of  wood  and  cordage,  whose  details  are 
vanished  from  my  memory.  Beneath  some  parts  of  the  ap 
paratus  there  were  pits  sunk  in  the  earth,  and  so  well  con 
structed  that  they  remained  long  after  the  wood  work  had  been 
removed.  This  early  recollection  must  date  back  as  far  as 
1830." 

Having  become  interested  in  Follen's  gymnasium  work  at 
Harvard  Dr.  Warren  took  active  steps  in  founding  the  Tre- 
mont  Gymnasium  x  in  Boston,  the  first  public  gymnasium  in 
this  country.  The  promotion  of  this  enterprise  was  begun  by 
a  private  committee,  who  made  successful  application  to  the 
city  council  for  a  piece  of  vacant  ground  which  might  be  im 
proved  for  the  purpose  of  commencing  the  experiment.  All 
that  remained  to  be  done  was  to  enclose  and  cover  the  gym 
nasium  ground  and  procure  a  teacher  with  requisite  apparatus. 
After  defraying  the  initial  expense  the  institution  was  to  be 
self-supporting  by  moderate  tuition  fees  within  the  reach  of 
all  classes  of  the  community.  Its  primary  object  was  to  fur 
nish  opportunity  and  means  to  persons  of  every  age  for  the 
regular  practice  of  bodily  exercise.  If  the  experiment  should 
be  successful  it  was  designed  to  make  the  gymnasium  a  depart 
ment  of  public  education  under  the  patronage  of  the  city. 
These  tentative  arrangements  were  submitted  to  the  citizens 
of  Boston  at  a  meeting  held  in  the  Exchange  Coffee  House  on 

1  The  following  information  concerning  the  establishment  of  this 
gymnasium  is  taken  from  editorial  notices  in  the  American  Journal  of 
Education,  1826,  I,  436,  443,  635,  669,  701. 

—  132  — 


PROMOTION  OF  GERMAN  STUDIES 

the  15th  of  June,  1826.  A  deputation  from  Harvard  was 
present  to  explain  the  course  of  exercises  at  the  College  Gym 
nasium  and  its  beneficial  effects.  It  was  stated  to  the  meeting 
that  the  health  of  the  students  had  been  greatly  improved ;  that 
intellectual  vigor  was  found  to  be  the  consequence  of  physical 
improvement ;  that  the  diseases  and  inquietudes  of  feeble  diges 
tion  had  disappeared  from  among  the  students;  that  the  de 
mands  for  sensation  were  now  fully  satisfied  by  the  manly 
exercise  of  the  gymnasium;  and  finally  that  its  social  effects 
were  not  the  least  of  its  consequences  to  be  valued,  inasmuch 
as  one  common  interest  in  a  commendable  pursuit  had  brought 
into  contact  and  friendly  feeling  those  who  might  have  passed 
the  whole  period  of  college  life  without  being  more  to  each 
other  than  mere  strangers. 

This  deputation  also  read  to  the  meeting  the  following 
letter,  drafted  by  a  committee  of  Harvard  students,  which 
shows,  too,  the  salutary  effects  of  Follen's  innovation :  "From 
the  short  experience  we  have  had  in  gymnastic  exercises  we 
believe  them  highly  beneficial  and  we  feel  a  sincere  desire  that 
others  should  participate  in  the  advantages  to  be  derived  from 
them.  The  improvement  in  health  has  been  perceptible  and 
general  among  all  those  who  have  engaged  in  them.  The 
cheerfulness  which  they  produce  and  the  increased  agility 
which  results  from  them  are  remarkable.  The  mind  -sym 
pathizes  with  the  body,  and  is  equally  acted  on.  We  are  glad 
to  find  physical  education  gaining  ground ;  and  hope  it  may 
soon  become  a  regular  part  of  the  system  of  education.  The 
soldier,  sailor,  traveler  and  men  of  many  mechanical  employ 
ments  find  the  accomplishments  of  the  gymnasium  of  the  first 
in  their  daily  business ;  and  in  cases  of  emergency,  they  are  of 
the  highest  importance  in  every  walk  of  life."  After  all  the 
foregoing  views  had  been  presented  the  meeting  resolved: 
"That  it  is  expedient  to  attempt  the  establishment  of  a  Gym 
nastic  School  in  Boston;  and  that  a  committee  of  five  (headed 
by  Dr.  Warren)  be  selected  to  carry  the  first  resolution  into 
effect ;  and  that  it  be  authorized  to  receive  voluntary  contribu 
tions  and  apply  them  for  the  establishment  of  a  Gymnasium 
at  such  time  and  in  such  manner  as  they  may  think  expedient." 

—  133  — 


POLLEN   IN  AMERICA 

After  negotiating  in  vain  to  secure  Jahn  himself  as  the 
director  of  the  Boston  Gymnasium,  Dr.  Warren  prevailed  upon 
Pollen  to  become  the  principal  instructor  until  some  other 
qualified  man  could  be  found  for  the  position.  The  gymnasium 
was  opened  in  the  autumn  of  1826,  as  indicated  by  Pollen's 
letter  *  to  Beck  under  date  of  September  26th :  "Day  after 
tomorrow  my  rope-dancing  begins  in  Boston.  The  gallows 
stand  in  significant  majesty  on  the  spot.  There  is  no  lack  of 
gallows-birds,  large  and  small,  genteel  and  vulgar.'"  On  the 
15th  of  October  Pollen  wrote  2  his  friend  Professor  Karl  Jung 
in  Basel  concerning  his  activity  in  gymnastics,  as  follows :  "I 
have  established  an  excellent  Turnplatz  in  Boston  and  have 
agreed  to  superintend  it  for  a  year  at  a  salary  of  eight  hundred 
dollars,  which  will  require  from  four  to  five  hours  of  my  time 
three  days  of  the  week.  The  other  three  week  days  I  spend 
six  hours  daily  in  the  College  as  one  of  the  four  teachers  of 
modern  literature.  On  these  three  days  the  instruction  in  gym 
nastics  at  Boston  is  conducted  by  my  assistant,  a  young  Ameri 
can  by  the  name  of  Turner,  whom  I  have  trained  on  the  Turn 
platz  here  in  Cambridge,  another  of  my  creations.  The  whole 
institution  in  Boston  has  been  erected  at  the  expense  of  an 
association  of  the  most  noted  men,  who  take  part  in  the  various 
exercises  also,  although  several  of  them  are  over  fifty  years  of 
age.  I  have  reasons  to  believe  that  gymnastics  will  spread 
from  here  over  the  whole  country  and  have  an  important  in 
fluence  upon  the  intellectual  as  well  as  the  physical  condition  of 
the  nation." 

In  the  November  number  (1826)  of  the  "Journal  of  Edu 
cation"  the  editor  notes  that  "the  Gymnasium  is  under  the 
superintendence  of  Dr.  Pollen,  instructor  in  Harvard  Univer 
sity,  who  is  assisted  by  Mr.  Turner,  a  distinguished  gymnast 
of  the  establishment  of  Cambridge,"  and  speaks  in  glowing 
terms  of  the  success  of  the  enterprise.  He  closes  his  remarks 
by  pointing  out  the  democratic  influence  of  such  an  institution, 
—the  very  point  that  Beck  sought  to  make  clear  in  the  preface 

1  Works,  I,  163. 

2  Follen-Briefe,  No.  13,  Jahrbuch,  D.  A.  H.  G.,  XIV,  31f. 

—  134  — 


PROMOTION  OF  GERMAN  STUDIES 

to  his  translation  of  the  "Teutsche  Turnkunst."  "Perhaps  one 
of  the  most  gratifying  circumstances  connected  with  the  gym 
nasium,"  says  the  editor,  "is  the  great  diversity  of  situation  in 
life  to  which  the  pupils  belong.  Physicians,  lawyers,  and 
clergymen  are  intermixed  with  young  men  from  the  counter 
and  the  counting-house,  and  with  boys  from  the  public  schools. 
This  circumstance  is  found  not  at  all  unfavorable  to  the  de 
corum  and  success  with  which  the  exercises  are  conducted, 
and  is,  we  think,  a  very  satisfactory  indication  of  the  extensive 
interest  which  the  great  subject  of  physical  education  has 
excited."  In  his  "retrospect"  for  1826  he  mentions  gymnastics 
as  one  of  the  greatest  educational  innovations  of  this  country. 
"Physical  culture,"  he  observes,  "has  been  inculcated  as  the 
basis  of  all  education;  and  we  do  not  hesitate  to  express  our 
impression  that  the  more  this  important  subject  is  brought 
within  the  range  of  observation  and  experience,  the  larger  will 
be  the  proportion  of  time  and  attention  devoted  to  it;  and  that 
the  public  mind  will  not  be  satisfied,  till,  in  all  the  stages  of 
education,  this  branch  is  treated  as  a  leading  object  in  human 
improvement." 

Through  the  recommendation  of  Jahn  a  new  superin 
tendent  was  secured  from  Germany  in  the  summer  of  1827  in 
the  person  of  Franz  L/ieber,  whereupon  Follen  resigned  his 
position  in  order  to  give  his  undivided  attention  to  his  Harvard 
duties.  During  his  incumbency  such  enthusiasm  was  aroused 
that  the  attendance  reached  nearly  400,  and  when  he  severed 
his  connection  with  the  institution  the  gymnasium  committee 
expressed  their  deepest  appreciation  of  the  great  value  of  his 
services  and  their  profound  regrets  at  losing  them.  To  this 
Follen  replied  on  July  3,  1827,  in  a  letter  1  which  shows  also 
what  service  he  had  rendered  to  the  cause  of  physical  educa 
tion  in  the  United  States  and  what  great  progress  it  was 
making : 

"I  shall  always  rejoice  in  remembering  the  truly  patriotic 
views  to  which  the  Boston  Gymnasium  owes  its  existence,  and 
the  efficient  zeal  with  which  these  exercises  have  been  carried 

i  Works,  I,  242. 

—  135  — 


FOLLEX   IX  AMERICA 

on,  and  which  even  the  severest  temperature  of  last  winter 
could  never  depress  to  zero.  That  healthy  atmosphere  of  the 
mind,  a  cheerful  mood  and  fine  feeling,  which  reigned  in  the 
gymnasium,  adding  the  charm  of  good  society  to  the  advan 
tages  which  each  individual  derived  from  the  exercises.  More 
over,  the  pleasure  of  seing  similar  and  partly  filial  institutions 
spring  up  in  other  cities  seemed  to  justify  the  hope  that  gym 
nastic  exercises  would  be  generally  adopted  as  a  regular  branch 
of  education,  and  as  a  source  of  health,  strength  and  peaceful- 
ness,  particularly  to  those  persons  whose  condition  of  life  is 
such  as  to  induce  them  to  neglect  the  cultivation  of  their  physi 
cal  powers.  Besides  these  general  grounds  of  satisfaction,  I 
have  many  particular  reasons  for  cherishing  the  recollections 
of  the  services  I  rendered  to  this  institution.  As  an  instructor 
I  succeeded  in  obtaining,  perhaps  too  soon,  that  which  I  con 
sider  the  most  desirable  result  of  all  teaching,  a  number  of 
pupils  far  surpassing  their  master.  I  sincerely  wish  and  hope 
that  the  gymnasium  may  continue  a  benefit  to  this  enlightened 
city,  and  that  its  branches  may  spread  over  all  this  free  and 
happy  land,  which  my  principles  lead  me  to  consider  as  my 
country,  while  the  kindness  of  its  inhabitants  makes  me  em 
brace  it  as  my  home." 

From  the  gymnasiums  of  Harvard,  Boston,  and  Round 
Hill  gymnastics  spread  rapidly  to  nearly  all  the  principal 
schools  and  colleges  in  the  country,  and  the  movement  was 
prosecuted  with  great  ardor  as  long  as  the  novelty  of  it  lasted, 
but  owing  to  an  insufficient  appreciation  of  its  importance  this 
enthusiasm  gradually  subsided  after  a  few  years.  However, 
the  interest  which  gymnastics  had  aroused  in  physical  educa 
tion  led  to  a  discussion  of  this  important  subject  by  the  medical 
and  educational  journals  of  the  country  and  not  only  served 
thereby  to  make  people  realize  in  a  vague  way  the  full  import 
of  the  old  Latin  proverb,  mens  sana  in  corpore  sano,  but  gave 
rise  also  to  a  movement  for  the  study  of  physiology  and  hy 
giene.  Thus  the  essential  spirit  of  the  gymnastic  movement 
which  Pollen  inaugurated  was  perpetuated  by  the  physiology 
movement,1  which  it  had  inspired.  This  in  turn  prepared  the 

i  Cf.  Reports  of  Com.  of  Ed.,  1897-98,  I,  555. 
—  136  — 


PROMOTION  OF  GERMAN  STUDIES 

way  for  the  revival  of  gymnastics  in  the  50s,  culminating  sub 
sequently  in  that  great  outburst  of  the  modern  gymnastic  spirit, 
from  which  has  developed  our  modern  gymnasiums  and  sys 
tems  of  athletics,  which  have  become  a  permanent  and  charac 
teristic  feature  of  our  national  life. 

OF  A  NEW  EDUCATIONAL  INSTITUTION. 

In  a  preceding  chapter  allusion  has  been  made  to  Pollen's 
early  plan  to  found  in  this  country  a  German  state  with  a  Ger: 
man  educational  institution,  which  was  to  serve  as  a  nucleus 
from  which  to  extend  German  civilization  over  America. 
After  arriving  here  he  substituted  for  this  impracticable 
scheme  the  more  feasible  plan  of  adapting  German  methods  to 
American  conditions,  especially  in  educational  matters.  To 
this  end  he  retained  the  idea  of  founding  an  academy  on  the 
German  plan,  but  noi:  until  he  had  resided  here  nearly  ten  years 
did  he  make  any  attempt  to  carry  it  out. 

As  noted  elsewhere,  the  professorship  of  German  liter 
ature  at  Harvard  had  been  established  for  a  period  of  five 
years,  but  without  any  definite  promise  on  the  part  of  the 
Corporation  that  it  would  be  continued  beyond  that  time. 
Before  the  term  expired,  however,  Follen  had  reasons  to  sus 
pect  that  his  appointment  would  not  be  renewed,  and  feeling 
the  necessity  of  making  some  provisions  for  himself  elsewhere, 
he  began  toward  the  close  of  1834  to  consider  his  long-cher 
ished  project.  Although  he  disagreed  with  the  authorities  in 
many  respects  concerning  questions  of  college  government,  as 
his  wife  notes,  he  was  deeply  attached  to  Harvard  and  earn 
estly  desired  to  devote  his  talent  to  its  development  and  wel 
fare,  believing  that  he  could  in  this  position  render  his  best 
service  by  promoting  German  educational  ideas  in  this  country ; 
but  when  this  hope  was  thwarted  he  began  to  draw  up  plans 
for  a  new  literary  institution,  which  he  wished  to  found  at 
Boston  in  imitation  somewhat  of  the  German  system.  With 
the  true  zeal  of  a  reformer  it  was  always  his  fixed  purpose  to 
establish  the  principles  of  freedom  and  justice  and  to  over 
throw  whatever  was  arbitrary  and  tyrannical  in  political,  re- 

—  137  — 


POLLEN  IN  AMERICA 

ligious,  and  educational  institutions.  He  had  absolute  confid 
ence  in  the  higher  qualities  of  human  nature,  and  believed  that 
the  academic  youth  should  be  under  less  outward  restraint, 
both  in  their  choice  of  studies  and  in  their  general  conduct  in 
order  to  develop  a  feeling  of  self-reliance  and  a  spirit  of  self- 
control;  hence  as  a  staunch  advocate  of  German  "akademische 
Freiheit"  he  stood  for  a  larger  freedom  in  educational  matters 
than  obtained  in  American  academic  life.  From  the  very  first 
he  had  advocated  the  reorganization  of  the  American  univer 
sities  on  the  German  plan,  explaining  that  in  the  German  uni 
versities  each  department  of  learning  such  as  philosophy,  law, 
medicine,  theology,  maintained  professors  representing  the 
various  schools  of  thought  so  that  the  student  might  have  the 
opportunity  to  test  the  various  doctrines  for  themselves.  He 
believed  that  the  preparatory  schools,  such  as  he  wished  to 
establish,  should  train  their  pupils  in  such  a  way  that  they 
would  begin  their  professional  studies  in  the  universities,  not 
with  prejudices  and  fixed  opinions,  but  with  open  minds  and 
opportunity  to  gain  truth  from  whatever  source. 

According  to  the  prospectus  1  of  the  proposed  Boston 
Seminary,  as  Follen's  school  was  to  be  called,  it  was  designed 
to  give  young  men  the  advantages  of  a  liberal  training  in  all 
the  important  branches  of  a  general,  classical,  and  business 
education  without  compelling  those  who  were  preparing  for 
the  professions  to  study  the  ancient  languages.  The  depart 
mental  and  elective  systems  were  to  be  introduced,  the  modern 
languages  and  literatures  as  also  the  natural  and  physical 
sciences  were  to  receive  a  large  place  in  the  curriculum,  and 
in  addition  to  the  regular  instruction  private  study  and  re 
search  was  to  be  encouraged.  There  was  to  be  no  artificial 
system  of  rank,  or  scale  of  merit,  founded  upon  the  relative 
attainments  of  the  students,  and  all  sectarian  or  party  influence 
whatsoever  was  to  be  strictly  excluded  from  the  seminary.  It 
was  designed  also  to  discard  the  artificial  system  of  discipline 
which  obtained  in  most  American  schools.  Follen  had  little 
sympathy  with  the  prevalent  notion  of  the  times  that  colleges 

1  Given  in  Works,  I,  623. 

—  138  — 


PROMOTION  OF  GERMAN  STUDIES 

should  be  isolated  in  small  towns  in  order  to  guard  the  morals 
of  the  students.  According  to  his  view  college  life  should 
differ  in  no  respect  from  the  ordinary  world  of  men  and 
affairs ;  hence  he  proposed  to  locate  his  school  in  Boston  not 
only  to  give  the  students  the  many  literary  and  social  ad 
vantages  of  a  large  city,  but  also  to  accustom  them  to  the  kind 
of  surroundings  in  which  they  would  in  all  probability  spend 
their  future  years. 

But  this  is  a  sketch  only  of  what  might  have  been,  for  on 
account  of  insufficient  encouragement  and  support  Pollen's 
Boston  Seminary  came  to  naught  but  a  plan  on  paper.  How 
ever,  it  serves  to  show  how  he  desired  to  contribute  to  the 
improvement  of  American  scholarship  through  the  educational 
ideals  of  his  native  land.  Had  he  been  able  to  put  his  seminary 
into  operation  his  talent  would  have  continued  in  the  service 
of  American  education,  and  the  great  good  he  would  thus  have 
continued  to  do  as  an  interpreter  of  German  philosophy  and 
literature  is  beyond  all  estimation. 

HIS   INtflyUENCE   IN    HARVARD. 

According  to  the  statement  of  his  wife  Pollen's  sympathy 
for  the  antislavery  cause  had  materially  injured  his  prospects 
for  advancement  in  Harvard.1  At  any  rate  he  was  definitely 
informed  in  1834  that  the  Corporation  did  not  deem  it  expedi 
ent  to  renew  his  appointment  as  professor,  but  that  it  would 
retain  him  as  instructor  in  the  German  language  if  he  desired 
to  remain  at  a  salary  of  five  hundred  dollars.  After  nearly 
ten  years  of  unswerving  devotion  to  the  institution  he  saw 
himself  reduced  to  a  position  yielding  scarcely  enough  for  even 
a  hand-to-mouth  living,  or  compelled  to  seek  employment  else 
where.  After  careful  deliberation  he  chose  the  latter  alterna 
tive  and  in  January,  1835,  resigned  his  instructorship  to  take 
effect  at  the  close  of  the  academic  year.  In  March  the  Corpo 
ration  "voted  that  his  resignation  be  accepted  and  that  a  suit 
able  person  be  employed  as  Instructor  in  the  German  language 
until  next  Commencement,  in  the  place  of  Dr.  Pollen,  re- 

i  Cf .  Works,  I,  343ff. 

—  139  — 


POLLEN   IN  AMERICA 

signed."  l  This  meant  of  course  that  his  resignation  was 
accepted  to  go  into  effect  at  once.  But  no  blame  attached  to 
him  for  the  loss  of  his  position. 

As  a  teacher  and  lecturer  his  success  was  unquestioned. 
He  was  loved  by  the  students,  and  his  classroom  was  always 
crowded.  Josiah  Quincy  records 2  that  he  performed  the 
duties  of  his  office  in  an  acceptable  manner  and  that  his  ser 
vices  were  characterized  by  learning,  labor,  and  fidelity.  Miss 
Peabody3  also  characterizes  him  as  a  man  endowed  both  by 
nature  and  culture  with  the  highest  qualifications  for  a  teacher 
and  leader  of  youth.  In  a  letter  congratulating  him  on  his 
Inaugural  Address  Edward  Livingston  spoke  of  the  relative 
value  of  German  and  French  for  American  education,  conclud 
ing  thus : 4  "The  introduction  of  the  German  literature  and 
language  cannot  but  have  a  powerful  effect  on  our  own.  It  is 
fortunate  for  the  country  that  the  task  of  separating  the  valu 
able  material  from  the  dross  has  fallen  into  such  able  hands, 
and  honorable  to  the  university  to  have  discovered  and  availed 
itself  of  the  advantage  such  talents  afford."  An  extract 5  from 
the  peroration  of  the  Class  Oration  delivered  by  Mr.  Osgood 
in  1832  gives  evidence  also  of  the  esteem  in  which  he  was  held 
by  the  students.  The  orator  was  of  the  opinion  that  the  value 
and  pleasure  derived  from  the  study  of  German  literature  with 
Professor  Follen  wras  the  most  important  advantage  that  Har 
vard  had  to  offer.  "For  the  able  and  kind  manner  in  which 
this  has  come  to  us,"  he  concluded,  "we  should  express  our 
gratitude  to  one,  who  has  labored  assiduously  for  our  improve 
ment  ;  and  who  must  richly  attain  the  wish,  expressed  in  his 
Inaugural  Address,  to  do  justice  to  his  feelings  of  grateful  at 
tachment  to  his  adopted  country  and  to  his  native  land." 

1  Cf.  documents  quoted  in  Works,  I,  358ff. 

2  History  of  Harvard  University,  II,  385. 

3  Cf.  Sprague's  Annals  of  the  American  Pulpit,  VIII,  547. 

4  Works,  I,  308. 

5  Ibid,  I,  312. 

—  140  — 


PROMOTION  OF  GERMAN  STUDIES 

It  may  not  be  out  of  place  to  add  the  following  eulogy1 
on  Pollen,  written  by  James  Freeman  Clarke  soon  after  the 
former  had  severed  his  connection  with  Harvard  College: 
"We  are  glad  to  see  in  the  July  number  of  the  London  and 
Westminster  Review  a  high  tribute  to  that  distinguished 
scholar,  philosopher,  philanthropist  and  Divine,  Dr.  Charles 
Pollen.  Our  regard  for  that  gentleman  is  so  great  that  we 
rejoice  in  every  tribute  paid  to  his  worth.  His  life  has  been 
one  of  continuous  sacrifice  to  principle.  We  know  him  chiefly 
as  an  instructor  in  the  course  of  his  professional  duties.  Our 
whole  class  loved  him, — a  feeling  towards  an  instructor  very 
unusual  among  captious  and  restless  collegians.  \Ve  all  love 
him  and  revere  him  now.  We  never  hear  his  name  pronounced 
without  giving  him  a  blessing.  We  say  this  passing  word  be 
cause  we  cannot  help  doing  justice  to  our  feelings.  We  sin 
cerely  hope  that  he  may  find  some  sphere  of  action  in  which 
his  large  talents  and  his  great  learning  in  law,  philosophy, 
belles-letters  and  theology  may  be  more  widely  felt  in  our 
country.  He  has  indeed  already  done  much  for  German  lit 
erature  among  us  and  has  acquired  a  high  reputation  as  a  lec 
turer  on  civil  law/' 

Although  it  is  rather  difficult  to  ascertain  definitely 
whether  Pollen  had  any  direct  influence  on  such  students  of 
German  thought  as  Emerson,  Ripley,  Alcott,  Parker,  Clarke, 
and  Margaret  Fuller,  we  know  of  a  certainty  that  he  stood 
in  personal  relation  with  most  of  them;  and  this  in  itself  is 
sufficient  to  warrant  the  conclusion  that  they  received  from 
him,  either  directly  or  indirectly,  at  least  some  of  their  inspi 
ration  for  German  studies. 

Emerson  lived  in  Divinity  Hall  at  that  time,  and  although 
he  took  no  part  in  the  regular  exercises  of  the  Divinity  stu 
dents,  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  he  became  well  acquainted 
with  Pollen  and  his  religious  views.  To  Carlyle  he  wrote  in 
1835  :2  "We  know  enough  about  Goethe  and  Schiller  here  to 

1  From  an  editorial  in  the  Western  Messenger,  Louisville,  October, 
1836. 

2  Emerson-Carlyle  Correspondence,  55. 

—  141  — 


POLLEN  IN  AMERICA 

have  some  interest  in  German  literature.  A  respectable  Ger 
man  here,  Dr.  Pollen,  has  given  lectures  to  a  good  class  upon 
Schiller.  I  am  quite  sure  that  Goethe's  name  would  now 
stimulate  the  curiosity  of  scores  of  people."  But  as  early  as 
1827  Follen  was  already  discussing  Goethe  in  the  Ladies'  read 
ing  circle,  as  his  diary  shows,  and  probably  continued  to  do  so 
in  his  lectures  on  German  literature  in  the  College  from  1830 
to  1835. 

George  Ripley  was  another  of  Channing's  circle  and  he 
met  Follen  in  all  probability  as  early  as  1827.  Frothingham 
remarks  *  that  Hedge's  article  on  Coleridge  in  the  Christian 
Examiner  for  March,  1833.,  in  which  he  commended  Kant, 
Fichte,  and  Schelling,  was  praised  by  Ripley  and  was  doubt 
less  of  potent  influence  in  determining  the  latter's  bent  of 
mind.  It  seems  more  likely,  however,  that  Ripley's  impulse 
to  the  study  of  German  literature  and  philosophy  came  from 
Follen,  for  the  latter  was  lecturing  on  German  philosophy  in 
the  Divinity  School  in  1828-'30,  and  his  Inaugural  Address  on 
German  literature  called  forth  in  the  Christian  Examiner  a 
complimentary  review  by  Ripley  in  1832.  It  is  not  within  the 
scope  of  this  investigation  to  give  an  account  of  Ripley's 
great  enthusiasm  for  German  theology  and  literature  ;2  let  it 
suffice  to  say  that  from  this  time  on  he  contributed  to  the 
Examiner  many  articles  on  these  subjects  and  became  an  ar 
dent  defender  of  Spinoza,  Schleiermacher,  and  De  Wette  in 
that  famous  controversy  with  Professor  Andrews  Norton, 
who  had  accused  these  philosophers  of  atheism  and  irreligion. 

Theodore  Parker  began  his  education  in  Harvard  in  1830, 
just  at  the  time  when  Follen  was  made  professor  of  German 
literature,  and  it  was  probably  from  this  source  that  he  re- 
received  his  first  inspiration  for  German  thought.  "The  study 
of  German  was  added  to  French  and  Spanish,  and  he  learned 

1  Life  of  Ripley,  96f . 

2  Dr.  Jaeck's  work  on  Madame  de  Stael  and  the  Spread  of  German 
Literature  gives  an  excellent  account  of  the  Transcendentalists'  interest 
for  German  learning.     It  seems  probable,  however,  that  their  inspira 
tion  was  due  far  more  directly  to  Follen  than  to  de  StaeTs  de  L'Alle- 
magne. 

—  142  — 


PROMOTION  OF  GERMAN  STUDIES 

to  write  as  well  as  read  these  languages."  1  A  few  years  later 
there  was  organized  in  Boston  a  "Society  of  Friends  of  Pro 
gress"  under  the  leadership  of  Dr.  Channing.  Its  meetings 
were  for  a  free  and  bold  discussion  of  all  current  subjects  of 
theology  and  social  life.  Here  Parker  found  the  charm  of 
good  companionship  in  the  persons  of  such  men  as  Hedge, 
Ripley,  Alcott  and  Follen.2  It  was  the  study  of  German  that 
exercised  the  dominant  influence  upon  his  life.  Through  its 
medium  he  was  brought  into  contact  with  German  theology 
and  philosophy;  and  Kant,  Goethe,  Schleiermacher,  and  De 
Wette  opened  his  eyes  to  the  new  possibilities  of  Biblical  in 
terpretation.  In  consequence  of  this  assimilation  of  German 
thought  he  gave  to  Unitarianism  a  still  greater  breadth  and 
freedom  of  thought,  and  to  American  letters  a  richer  and  more 
unrestrained  literary  self-expression. 

When  Bronson  Alcott  went  to  Boston  to  establish  his  in 
fant  school  Follen  was  one  of  the  first  men  he  consulted  con 
cerning  his  project.3  From  this  time  on,  November,  1828,  he 
was  on  intimate  terms  with  Follen  and  associated  with  him 
not  only  in  the  meetings  of  the  Channing  circle,  but  also  in 
those  of  the  famous  Transcendental  Club,  which  Follen  at 
tended  occasionally.4 

Margaret  Fuller  was  one  of  the  most  remarkable  leaders 
and  expounders  of  German  thought  in  this  country.  She  was 
born  in  Cambridge  in  1810  and  lived  there  until  1833.  Prior 
to  Follen's  arrival  she  had  read  Mme.  de  StaeTs  book,  and 
through  her  friend  F.  H.  Hedge  she  had  become  interested  in 
Germany.  According  to  J.  F.  Clarke,  who  was  her  constant 
companion  during  his  college  life,  she  began  the  study  of  Ger 
man  early  in  1832.  He  states5  that  both  were  attracted  toward 
German  literature  at  the  same  time  by  the  writings  of  Carlyle, 
and  that  in  about  three  months  from  the  time  that  Margaret 

1  Weiss,  Life  and  Correspondence  of  Theodore  Parker,  I,  49. 

2  Ibid,  105. 

3  Memoirs  of  Bronson  Alcott,  I,  118. 

4  Ibid,  289. 

5  Memoirs  of  Margaret  Fuller,  I,  114. 

-  143  — 


POLLEN  IN  AMERICA 

began  to  study  the  German  language  she  was  reading  with 
ease  its  literary  masterpieces.  She  began  without  a  teacher, 
but  was  aided  and  encouraged  by  Clarke,  who  was  at  that  time 
studying  under  Follen.  Her  family  moved  in  the  social  and 
intellectual  circles  of  Cambridge,  and  it  is  very  probable  that 
she  often  met  Follen  on  social  occasions  and  heard  accounts 
of  his  discussions  of  Goethe  in  the  ladies'  reading  circle. 
Pollen's  Inaugural  Address,  published  in  the  autumn  of  1831, 
was  the  best  general  account  of  German  literature  that  had 
appeared  up  to  that  time  and  it  attracted  universal  attention 
and  comment.  Immediately  after  this  Margaret  Fuller  began 
to  study  German.  In  the  winter  of  1832-'33  Follen  delivered 
his  first  course  of  public  lectures  on  Schiller;  and  these,  too, 
attracted  the  attention  of  Boston  and  Cambridge  intellectual 
circles.  Immediately  after  this  Margaret  Fuller  wrote  in  her 
diary  in  January,  1833  i1  "I  have  now  a  pursuit  of  immediate 
importance :  to  the  German  language  and  literature  will  I  give 
my  undivided  attention.  I  have  made  rapid  progress  for  one 
quite  unassisted ;"  and  in  June  she  made  the  following  entry  :2 
I  don't  like  Goethe  as  well  as  Schiller  now.  I  mean,  I  am  not 
so  happy  in  reading  him.  That  perfect  wisdom  and  merciless 
nature  seems  cold  after  these  seducing  pictures  of  forms  more 
beautiful  than  truth."  Carlyle's  articles  on  German  literature 
began  to  appear  at  least  five  years  prior  to  this,  yet  we  find 
in  the  diary  no  such  entries  concerning  her  enthusiasm  for 
German,  as  the  above,  until  after  Follen's  lectures  on  Schiller. 
Concerning  the  major  influences  that  turned  Margaret  Fuller 
toward  the  field  of  German  thought  it  would  probably  not  be 
far  out  of  the  way  to  sum  up  the  matter  thus :  Mme.  de  Stae'l 
prepared  the  soil,  Follen  sowed  the  seed,  and  Carlyle  supplied 
the  sunshine  and  showers  for  the  future  harvest. 

Although  the  Gottingen  men  paved  the  way  for  the  intro 
duction  of  German  learning  there  is  no  doubt  that  Follen's 
influence  at  Harvard  was  one  of  the  greatest  forces  then  at 
work  in  the  promotion  of  it  in  this  country.  The  introduction 

1  Higginson,  Margaret  Fuller  Ossoli,  41. 

2  Memoirs  of  Margaret  Fuller.  I.  117. 

—  144  — 


PROMOTION  OF  GERMAN  STUDIES 

of  the  German  language  and  literature  was  valuable  not  only 
per  se,  but  contributed  largely  to  a  broader  and  deeper  study 
of  all  the  other  great  departments  of  knowledge ;  history,  biol 
ogy,  theology,  archaeology,  economics,  and  especially  philoso 
phy, — subjects  in  which  the  German  scholars  were  unrivaled. 
At  the  beginning  of  the  19th  century  the  German  university 
more  than  any  other  gave  careful  and  systematic  training  in 
the  use  of  libraries  and  laboratories,  inculcated  the  habit  of 
independent  thought  and  research,  quickened  the  creative  in 
stinct,  and  engendered  a  spirit  of  freedom  both  in  teaching 
and  in  learning.  Its  highest  ideal  was  the  pursuit  of  truth, 
its  highest  aim  the  emancipation  of  the  human  spirit.  IVissen- 
schaft,  Lernfreiheit,  Lehrfreiheit  was  the  motto  of  the  Ger 
man  universities,  and  this  was  the  ideal  which  Pollen  and  the 
Gottingen  men  brought  from  Germany  for  the  enrichment  and 
enlargement  of  higher  education  in  America.  Some  of  the 
young  men  who  became  later  the  writers  and  critics  of  the  day 
came  under  the  direct  influence  of  Follen  at  that  time  and 
were  probably  directly  or  indirectly  inspired  by  him  to  the 
study  of  German  intellectual  life. 

The  collective  influence  of  these  earliest  pioneers  of  Ger 
man  learning  both  on  Harvard  College  and  on  American 
thought  was  very  great.  It  helped  to  break  up  that  intellectual 
sterility  which  had  resulted  from  the  isolation  of  a  merely 
colonial  life  and  prepared  the  way  for  the  vast  modern  growth 
of  colleges,  schools,  and  libraries  in  this  country.  In  the  opin 
ion  of  Thomas  Wentworth  Higginson  x  "it  culminated  later  in 
the  brilliant  Boston  circle  of  authors,  most  of  whom  were 
Harvard  men  and  all  of  whom  had  felt  the  Harvard  in 
fluence." 


^Harvard  Graduate  Magazine,  VI,  17f. 
-  145  — 


CHAPTER  II. 
HIS  RELATION  TO  UNITARIANIS'M. 

According  to  his  Inaugural  Address  Pollen's  conception 
of  literature  was  so  comprehensive  that  he  included  in  it  not 
only  the  products  of  poetry  and  philosophy,  but  of  theology 
as  well.  A  discussion  of  his  activity  as  a  promoter  of  German 
studies  in  America  must  therefore  of  necessity  proceed  to  the 
consideration  of  his  endeavors  in  the  field  of  religion,  and  of 
its  historical  relation  to  contemporary  movements  in  the  same 
field. 

By  the  middle  of  the  18th  century  the  sensualistic  philoso 
phy  of  Hobbes  and  Locke  had  come  to  dominate  the  life  and 
thought  of  French  and  English  civilization,  while  similarly 
in  Germany  the  predominant  feature  of  the  intellectual  life 
was  the  abstract  rationalism  which  Wolff  had  deduced  from 
the  philosophy  of  Leibniz.  The  general  rationalistic  attitude 
of  mind  during  the  period  of  enlightenment  was  based  essen 
tially  upon  sense  perception ;  human  knowledge  was  limited 
partly  by  the  bounds  of  so-called  experience  and  partly  by 
abstract  logical  reasoning.  In  religion  the  dogmatic  assump 
tions  of  the  church  were  rejected  and  all  belief  was  made 
dependent  upon  the  dictates  of  reason.  This  rationalistic 
method  of  thought  extended  also  to  the  field  of  general  litera 
ture,  which  now  became  didactic,  formal,  unimaginative, — a 
product  merely  of  the  understanding.  Artificiality,  material 
ism  and  skepticism  finally  came  to  reign  supreme.  The  age 
of  reason  was  at  its  height.1 

Gradually,  however,  in  the  second  half  of  the  century  a 
reaction  set  in;  a  movement  for  spiritual  emancipation,  for 
freedom  from  the  intellectualistic  bondage  in  which  the  human 
mind  was  held  by  laws  and  traditions.  This  movement  re 
verted  to  man's  instincts  and  feelings;  to  his  original  human 
rights.  It  was  therefore  an  effort  to  revolutionize  life  by 
emancipating  the  individual  from  the  fetters  of  dry  reason, 
from  conventional  ethics,  orthodox  intolerance,  and  time-worn 
literary  traditions ;  an  attempt  to  enlarge  man's  spiritual  life 

1  W.  Windelband,  Geschichte  der  Philosophic,  366ff. 
—  146  — 


UNITARIANISM 

by  directing  him  back  to  the  simplicity  of  nature ;  a  reassertion 
of  the  rights  of  the  heart  along  with  those  of  the  head.  Arti 
ficiality  began  now  to  yield  to  nature,  cosmopolitanism  to 
patriotism,  skepticism  to  optimism,  and  materialism  to  ideal 
ism.  Rousseau  admonished  his  contemporaries  to  listen  only 
to  the  voice  of  the  heart,  to  obey  only  the  primitive  instincts, 
to  pay  homage  only  to  the  universal  laws  of  life.  Hamann 
maintained  that  the  visible  and  tangible,  whatever  can  be  dem 
onstrated  and  taught,  cannot  be  final ;  that  the  universe  is  per 
meated  by  forces  which  lie  beyond  mortal  vision.  Herder 
applied  Rousseau's  doctrine  of  return  to  nature  to  the  field  of 
literature,  and  in  accordance  with  Hamann's  oracular  saying 
that  poetry  is  the  mother- tongue  of  the  race  laid  down  the 
new  doctrine  that  the  best  poetry  is  popular,  naive,  spontane 
ous,  and  not  a  product  of  conscious  art. 

In  the  domain  of  philosophy  the  old  struggle  between 
the  realists  and  idealists  was  apparently  still  being  waged. 
The  great  question  was :  Is  all  knowledge  derived  from  with 
out  through  the  senses  or  does  at  least  a  part  of  it  originate 
within  the  mind  itself?  By  combining  the  theories  of  the 
idealists  and  realists  Kant  laid  the  foundation  for  modern  in 
tellectual  life.  By  his  searching  analysis  of  the  mind  he  dem 
onstrated  that  from  its  very  nature  the  intellect  can  deal  only 
with  the  phenomenal  world,  and  that  the  infinite  is  accordingly 
unknowable ;  but  he  pointed  out  further  that  while  such  ideas 
as  God,  immortality,  and  moral  freedom  cannot  be  demon 
strated,  they  are  nevertheless  matters  of  intuitive  knowledge. 
The  distinction  between  Kant's  Pure  Reason  and  Locke's 
Human  Understanding  was  the  philosophic  basis  of  the  new 
idealism.  Kant  distinguished  between  the  phenomenal  world 
and  its  transcendental  background,  the  thing-in-itself ;  Fichte 
maintained  on  the  other  hand  that  the  thing-in-itself  like  its 
phenomena  is  only  a  product  of  the  mind ;  while  Schelling  and 
the  Romanticists  held  that  both  mind  and  matter,  the  inner 
and  the  outer  world,  are  the  product,  in  different  stages  of 
evolution,  of  a  mysterious,  all-pervading  creative  power  whose 
existence  they  knew  intuitively  and  whose  nature  they  sought 
to  understand  and  to  reveal.  By  distinguishing  between  ra- 

._  147  - 


POLLEN  IN  AMERICA 

tional  and  empirical  knowledge  Kant  established  in  his  cate 
gorical  imperative  a  new  and  exalted  system  of  ethics ;  and 
upon  the  freedom  of  the  will,  which  he  postulated  as  the  basis 
of  all  moral  action,  Fichte,  Schiller  and  Fries  reared  their 
systems  of  ethical  idealism. 

The  close  of  the  century  marked  the  beginning  of  a  new 
epoch  in  the  evolution  of  religious  thought  also.  With  Herder 
a  reaction  set  in  against  both  rationalism  and  dogmatism;  an 
attempt  to  establish  a  union  between  religion  and  culture,  and 
to  reconstruct  theology  on  new  lines ;  but  it  was  Schleier- 
macher  who  gave  a  definite  and  classical  expression  to  the 
movement.  This  he  did  in  his  famous  "Reden  iiber  die  Re 
ligion"  which  appeared  in  1799.  In  these  addresses  he  dis 
claims  all  pretension  to  an  exposition  of  theological  doctrine, 
but  seeks  simply  to  convince  his  skeptical  contemporaries  that 
religion  is  an  essential  element  of  human  nature  and  therefore 
indispensable  to  the  complete  development  of  the  inner  life  of 
man.  In  his  attempt  to  present  religion  in  its  most  sublime 
aspects  he  shows  that  its  truth  rests  neither  on  tradition  nor 
on  miracles,  neither  on  the  church  nor  on  the  Bible,  but  on 
the  soul's  sense  of  the  Infinite.  In  his  "Glaubenslehre,"  which 
is  a  further  development  of  the  principles  laid  down  in  the 
"Reden,"  he  seeks  to  show  the  relation  of  religious  feeling  to 
its  different  expressions  in  dogma,  history,  and  creeds.  The 
central  thought  of  his  system  is  that  religion  neither  seeks  like 
metaphysics  to  explain  the  universe,  nor  like  morals  to  ad 
vance  and  perfect  the  world  by  the  free  will  of  man ;  it  is  not 
a  set  of  dogmas,  but  an  inner  experience;  it  is  neither  think 
ing  nor  acting,  but  feeling.  From  a  pious  contemplation  of 
the  majesty  and  external  order  of  the  universe  arises  in  the 
finite  individual  a  consciousness  of  oneness  with  the  infinite 
All  and  a  feeling  of  dependence  upon  the  Author  of  life.  This 
feeling  of  identity  with  God  and  dependence  upon  Him  is 
religion ;  it  is  a  living  reality  and  when  it  manifests  itself  in 
social  fellowship  it  becomes  a  vital  factor  in  the  development 
of  the  human  race. 

Imbued  with  the  scientific  spirit  Schleiermacher's  writ 
ings  freed  protestant  religion  from  the  fetters  of  ecclesiasti- 

—  148  — 


UNITARIANISM 

cism,  thus  laying  the  foundation  for  modern  theology.  For 
its  philosophical  basis  this  new  movement  rests  upon  the  well- 
known  distinction  made  by  Kant  between  theoretical  and  prac 
tical  reason.  Through  the  influence  of  the  Kantian  philosophy 
Schleiermacher  threw  aside  the  possibility  of  knowing  God 
by  means  of  cognition  and  expounded  the  doctrine  that  re 
ligion  is  primarily  an  act  of  faith  instead  of  a  judgment  of 
reason. 

The  rationalistic  tendency  which  characterized  the  intel 
lectual  life  of  Europe  in  the  18th  century  found  its  counter 
part  in  America  in  Boston  Unitarianism.  This  was  in  its 
origin  and  narrower  sense  a  reaction  against  Calvinistic  the 
ology,  which  prevailed  in  New  England.  In  its  broader  aspect 
it  was  a  part  of  the  general  liberal  movement  for  freedom  of 
thought,  and  release  from  traditional  authority;  an  attempt  to 
bring  religion  into  harmony  with  science  and  phisolosphy.  As 
early  as  the  beginning  of  the  century  the  rationalistic  tenden 
cies  of  English  philosophy  began  to  creep  into  the  religious 
life  of  Boston  through  the  works  of  such  men  as  Chillings- 
worth,  Tillotson,  Milton,  Eocke,  Jeremy  Taylor,  and  Samuel 
Clarke,  whose  tolerant  liberal  writings  were  read  in  New  Eng 
land  throughout  the  century;1  and  the  introduction  through 
this  source  of  the  Arian  and  Arminian  doctrines  began  gradu 
ally  to  exert  a  reactionary  influence  upon  dogmatic  theology. 
Between  1730  and  1750  many  of  the  most  eminent  clergymen 
in  Massachusetts,  according  to  Josiah  Quincy,2  openly  avowed 
doctrines  which  were  denounced  as  Arian,  Arminian,  and  De- 
istic ;  while  books  and  pamphlets  breathing  a  spirit  of  religious 
democracy  quite  at  variance  with  the  Calvinistic  doctrine  be 
gan  to  appear.  This  liberal  trend  of  theology  gradually  de 
veloped  along  two  lines:  that  of  a  demand  for  free  enquiry, 
as  represented  by  Jonathan  Mayhew  and  his  followers,  and 
that  of  a  protest  against  the  harsher  features  of  Calvinism, 
as  represented  by  Charles  Chauncy  and  the  Universalists. 
When  Mayhew  was  made  pastor  of  the  West  Church  in  Bos- 

1  Cooke,  Unitarianism  in  America,  10f.,  56. 

2  History  of  Harvard  University,  II,  23,  52. 

—  149  — 


POLLEN   IN  AMERICA 

ton  in  1747  he  was  already  familiar  with  nearly  all  the  liberal 
writers  of  England  and  soon  became  the  first  outspoken  Uni 
tarian  in  New  England.1  Along  with  the  silent  advance  of 
liberalism  went  hand  in  hand  a  gradual  divergence  of  those 
who  believed  in  the  deity  of  Christ  and  those  who  believed 
in  his  subordinate  nature.  Through  the  adoption  of  a  revised 
liturgy  in  1785,  in  which  their  pastor,  Rev.  James  Freeman, 
omitted  all  reference  to  the  Trinity,  the  congregation  of  King's 
Chapel  in  Boston  was  the  first  to  become  avowedly  Unitarian. 
From  this  time  on  the  liberal  movement  grew  rapidly.  It  was 
greatly  promoted  by  the  monthly  Anthology,  the  official  organ 
of  a  scholarly  group  of  men  known  as  the  Anthology  Club ; 
and  through  the  appointment  of  Henry  Ware,  an  avowed  Uni 
tarian,  to  the  Hollis  professorship  of  Divinity  at  Harvard  that 
stronghold  of  orthodoxy  passed  into  the  control  of  the  liber 
als.  Soon  half  of  the  old  historic  churches  of  Massachusetts 
went  over  to  the  liberal  party,  and  by  1820  arose  a  definite 
division  of  the  Congregational  churches  of  New  England  into 
Trinitarian  and  Unitarian.2 

The  Unitarians  formulated  no  creed,  but  left  each  clergy 
man  free  to  preach  whatever  seemed  to  harmonize  with  rea 
son  and  conscience ;  hence  their  main  tendency  was  to  em 
phasize  the  authority  of  conscience  and  the  freedom  of  en 
quiry,  while  their  chief  aim  was  to  harmonize  revelation  and 
reason,  and  to  interpret  the  meaning  of  human  life  in  a  way 
compatible  with  nature  and  history.  This  common-sense 
method  shows  that  the  early  Unitarians  were  as  a  rule  under 
the  influence  of  the  sensuous  philosophy  of  IvOcke;;i  hence  it 
was  easy  enough  for  them  to  shatter  the  foundations  of  ortho 
doxy  by  means  of  common  intelligence  and  rational  under 
standing.  Their  leaders,  says  Frothingham,4  were  attracted 
to  Tillotson  and  Paley  more  than  to  Cudworth  and  Butler, 
and  were  disquieted  by  mysticism,  enthusiasm,  and  rapture ; 

1  Cooke,  35. 

2  Cf.  such  authorities  as  Walker,  Ellis,  Cooke,  and  Allen. 

3  Frothingham,  Transcendentalism  in  New  England,  109. 

4  Ibid,  110. 

-  150  - 


UNITARIANISM 

they  were  good  scholars  and  accomplished  men  of  letters,  dis 
tinguished  by  practical  wisdom,  sober  judgment,  and  balanced 
thoughtfulness  that  weighed  opinions  in  the  scale  of  evidence 
and  argument.  This  sums  up  the  strength  and  the  weakness 
of  the  early  Unitarian  movement:  it  was  strong  in  reason, 
but  deficient  in  feeling. 

In  his  remarks  1  on  college  life  at  the  time  he  entered 
Harvard  in  1794  Dr.  Channing  observes  that  society  was  pass 
ing  through  a  most  critical  stage  due  to  the  rationalistic  ten 
dency  of  the  times,  that  reverence  for  the  authority  of  the 
past  was  gone,  and  that  the  tendency  of  all  classes  was  to 
skepticism.  James  Freeman  Clark,2  however,  has  given  us 
the  best  characterization  of  the  mental  and  spiritual  condition 
of  New  England  in  the  early  decades  of  the  19th  century: 
"L,ocke  .was  still  the  master  of  the  realm  of  thought;  Addison 
and  Blair  in  literary  expression.  In  poetry,  the  school  of  Pope 
was  engaged  in  conflict  with  that  of  Byron  and  his  contem 
poraries.  Wordsworth  had  led  the  way  to  a  deeper  view  of 
nature,  but  he  could  scarcely  be  called  a  popular  writer.  In 
theology  a  certain  liberalism  prevailed,  and  the  doctrines  of 
Christianity  were  inferred  from  counting  and  weighing  texts 
on  either  side.  Not  the  higher  reason,  with  its  intuition  of 
eternal  ideas,  but  the  analytic  understanding,  with  its  logical 
methods,  was  considered  to  be  the  ruler  in  the  world  of 
thought.  There  was  more  of  culture  than  of  intellectual  life, 
more  of  good  habits  than  of  moral  enthusiasm.  Religion  had 
become  very  much  of  an  external  institution.  Christianity 
consisted  of  holding  orthodox  opinions,  going  regularly  to 
church,  and  listening  every  Sunday  to  a  certain  number  of 
prayers,  hymns,  and  sermons.  Channing,  it  is  true,  had  looked 
with  a  new  spiritual  insight  into  the  truths  of  religion  and 
morality.  But  still  the  mechanical  treatment  prevailed  in  a 
majority  of  the  churches,  and  was  considered  to  be  the  wisest 
and  safest  method.  There  was  an  unwritten  creed  of  morals, 
literature,  and  social  thought  to  which  all  were  expected  to 
conform.  There  was  little  originality  and  much  repetition.*  *  * 

1  Life  of  Channing,  (Memorial  Ed.),  30. 

2  Nineteenth  Century  Questions,  273f . 

-  151  — 


POLLEN   IN  AMERICA 

It  was  regarded  as  a  kind  of  duty  to  think  as  everyone  else 
thought;  a  sort  of  delinquency,  or  weakness,  to  differ  from 
the  majority." 

The  decade  beginning  with  1820,  however,  marks  a  new 
epoch  in  the  spiritual  history  of  New  England.  Unitarianism 
now  entered  upon  a  new  stage  of  development,  the  so-called 
Transcendental  movement,  which  was,  like  German  Idealism, 
a  reaction  against  the  rationalistic  spirit  of  the  times.  While 
the  New  England  movement  was  essentially  religious  it  pos 
sessed  also  the  philosophical  and  literary  phases  of  its  German 
prototype.  Philosophically  it  was  a  substitution  of  intuition 
for  understanding;  of  the  idealism  of  Kant  and  Fichte  for 
English  empiricism.  In  literature  it  drew  its  inspiration  from 
Wordsworth,  Coleridge,  and  the  Germans.  In  religion  it  was 
spiritual  rather  than  theological,  supplanting  dogmas  and 
creeds  by  a  search  into  nature  and  into  the  depths  of  the 
human  heart  for  the  divine  element  of  all  life.  The  unfet 
tered  mind  began  now  to  revel  in  beauty,  poetry,  and  philoso 
phy;  and  men  were  brought  into  closer  touch  with  nature, 
literature,  and  life.  The  conservative  Unitarians  remained 
under  the  influence  of  English  philosophy  and  classic  litera 
ture;  the  radicals  turned  to  the  enthusiastic  study  of  the  ro 
mantic  literature  and  idealistic  philosophy  of  Germany. 

Those  who  have  written  on  later  Unitarianism,  the  so- 
called  Transcendental  Movement,  hold  various  views  concern 
ing  the  sources  of  it.  Some  regard  it  as  an  indigenous  pro 
duct,  while  others  contend  that  it  was  largely  imitative  of 
foreign  thought.  According  to  Riley1  those  who  grew  up  with 
the  movement  have  held  to  the  former  view,  maintaining  that 
Emerson's  system  was  formulated  before  he  became  ac 
quainted  with  German  thought,  while  later  critics,  more  skilled 
in  tracing  historical  sources,  have  inclined  to  the  latter  view, 
asserting  that  Emerson  would  have  been  ineffective  had  he 
not  made  use  of  foreign  phraseology,  such  as  was  furnished 
by  Coleridge's  Aids  to  Reflection.  Frothingham,  who  grew 
up  with  the  movement  and  became  its  historian,  speaks  thus  :2 

1  American  Philosophy,  12. 

2  Trancendentalism  in  New  England,  115. 

-  152  - 


UNITARIANISM 

"By  sheer  force  of  genius  Emerson  anticipated  the  results  of 
the  transcendental  philosophy,  defined  its  axioms,  and  ran  out 
their  inferences  to  the  end.  Without  help  from  abroad,  or 
with  such  help  only  as  none  but  he  could  use,  he  might  have 
domesticated  in  Massachusetts  an  idealism  as  heroic  as 
Fichte's,  as  beautiful  as  Schelling's ;  but  it  would  have  lacked 
the  dialectical  basis  of  the  great  German  system." 

Since  idealism  is  the  product  of  no  special  age  or  clime 
it  had  its  devotees  in  New  England,  as  might  be  expected, 
prior  to  the  19th  century,  the  best  type  of  whom  was  Samuel 
Johnson  and  Jonathan  Edwards,1  but  with  the  advent  of  Ger 
man  thought  it  took  on  a  new  character.  In  regard  to  the 
origin  of  this  new  phase  of  idealism  Frothingham  may  be 
quoted  further  as  follows:2  "To  make  intelligible  the  Trans 
cendental  philosophy  of  the  last  generation  in  New  England 
it  is  not  necessary  to  go  far  back  into  the  history  of  thought. 
Ancient  idealism,  whether  Eastern  or  Western,  may  be  left 
undisturbed.  Platonism  and  neo-Platonism  may  be  excused 
from  further  torture  on  the  witness-stand.  The  speculations 
of  the  mystics,  Romanist  or  Protestant,  need  not  be  re-exam 
ined.  The  idealism  of  Gale,  More,  Pordage,  of  Cudworth  and 
the  later  Berkeley,  in  England,  do  not  immediately  concern 
us.  We  need  not  even  submit  John  Locke  to  fresh  cross- 
examination,  or  describe  the  effect  of  his  writings  on  the 
thinkers  who  came  after  him.  The  Transcendental  philoso 
phy,  so-called,  had  a  distinct  origin  in  Immanuel  Kant." 

W.  H.  Channing  has  perhaps  stated  3  better  than  anybody 
else  the  nature  of  this  new  movement:  "Transcendentalism 
was  an  assertion  of  the  inalienable  integrity  of  man,  of  the 
immanence  of  Divinity  in  instinct.  In  part  it  was  a  reaction 
against  Puritan  Othodoxy;  in  part,  an  effect  of  renewed  study 
of  the  ancients,  of  Plato  and  the  Alexandrians,  of  Plutarch's 
Morals,  Seneca,  and  Epictetus;  in  part  the  natural  product 
of  the  culture  of  the  place  and  time.  On  the  somewhat 

1  Riley,  63ff. 

2  Transcendentalism  in  New  England,  1. 

3  Memoirs  of  Margaret  Fuller,  II,  12f . 

—  153  — 


POLLEN   IN  AMERICA 

stunted  stock  of  Unitarianism — whose  characteristic  dogma 
was  trust  in  individual  reason  as  correlative  to  Supreme  Wis 
dom — had  been  grafted  German  Idealism,  as  taught  by  mas 
ters  of  most  various  schools — by  Kant  and  Jacobi,  Fichte  and 
Novalis,  Schelling  and  Hegel,  Schleiermacher  and  De  Wette,  by 
Mme.  de  Stael,  Cousin,  Coleridge,  and  Carlyle,  and  the  result 
was  a  vague  yet  exalting  conception  of  the  godlike  nature  of 
the  human  spirit.  Transcendentalism,  as  viewed  by  its  dis 
ciples,  was  a  pilgrimage  from  the  idolatrous  world  of  creeds 
and  rituals  to  the  temple  of  the  laving  God  in  the  Soul." 

After  discussing  the  various  causes  that  contributed  to 
the  rise  of  the  movement  Goddard  concludes  thus  i1  "But  now 
from  this  insistence  on  the  complexity  of  the  sources  of  trans 
cendentalism  and  on  the  impossibility  of  assigning  absolutely 
their  respective  importance,  it  is  nevertheless  proper  to  recur 
to  an  acknowledgment  of  the  large  element  of  truth  in  the 
widely  accepted  theory  that  New  England  transcendentalism 
was  a  German  importation.  The  extent  of  the  admissible 
generalization  seems  to  be  this.  The  original  stimulus  to  the 
strictly  metaphysical  part  of  transcendental  thought  came 
fairly  largely,  but  by  no  means  exclusively,  from  Germany." 

Through  the  medium  of  Mme.  de  StaeTs  celebrated  work 
on  Germany,  an  English  translation  of  which  appeared  in 
1813,  the  first  meager  account  of  German  literature  and  phil 
osophy  reached  America.  The  return  of  the  Gottingen  men  a 
few  years  later  awakened  still  more  interest  in  this  direction. 
A  few  New  England  scholars  came  in  contact  with  German 
thought  in  so  far  as  this  was  expounded  in  Coleridge's 
"Biographia  Literaria,"  which  appeared  in  1817.  A  still 
greater  impulse  to  the  study  of  German,  however,  was  given 
by  Follen,  who  began  at  once  to  awaken  a  keen  interest  in 
German  cultural  ideals  when  he  reached  Cambridge  in  1825, 
and  from  this  time  on  translations  and  reviews  of  German 
works  increased  rapidly.  Through  the  influence  of  the  Gottin 
gen  men  German  literature  and  philosophy  were  just  begin 
ning  to  ruffle  the  surface  of  the  intellectual  life  of  Boston, 

1  Studies  in  New  England  Transcendentalism,  110  (Dissertation  in 
the  Faculty  of  Philosophy,  Columbia  University). 

—  154  — 


UNITARIANISM 

but  it  is  safe  to  say  that  Pollen  was  the  only  man  in  New 
England  who  had  a  comprehensive  knowledge  of  these  sub 
jects.  Both  by  education  and  nature  Pollen  was  well  qualified 
to  enter  as  an  influential  factor  into  the  later  Unitarian 
movement. 

FOUvEN'S    RELIGIOUS    CHARACTER. 

In  addition  to  the  foregoing  historical  background  a  short 
account  of  the  development  of  Pollen's  religious  nature  will 
serve  as  the  starting  point  from  which  to  discuss  his  religious 
activity  in  this  country. 

The  predominant  characteristic  of  Pollen's  nature  was  an 
intense  love  of  freedom  combined  with  a  deep  mystic  piety, 
which  manifested  itself  in  moral  action  through  the  force  of 
will-power — a  trait  of  character  which  from  his  earliest  youth 
remained  the  guiding  principle  of  his  whole  life.  When  he 
was  a  mere  child  he  displayed  thus  early  an  intuitive  knowl 
edge  of  ethical  values  as  indicated  by  his  expression,  "Father 
I  forgive  you,"  after  receiving  a  severe  punishment  from  his 
high-tempered  parent.1 

His  early  training,  however,  was  in  accordance  with  the 
skeptical  spirit  of  the  age.  Although  he  was  baptized  in  the 
Lutheran  church  and  learned  his  catechism  he  was  not  at  all 
receptive  to  the  dogmatic  theology  of  the  times.  In  speaking 
of  his  early  religious  character  his  step-mother  said2  that  the 
principles  of  the  Unitarians  had  even  then  begun  to  engage 
his  attention ;  that  he  occasionally  spoke  with  much  depth  and 
feeling  about  them  to  his  father,  who  agreed  with  him  on  this 
subject.  Although  he  had  the  greatest  admiration  for  the  life 
and  character  of  Christ,  as  pointed  out  at  the  beginning  of  this 
treatise,  he  did  not  accept  the  orthodox  view  concerning 
Christ's  nature.  This  is  probably  what  his  step-mother  meant 
by  the  above  observations,  for  in  after  years  he  stated  3  ex 
plicitly  that  Christianity  was  according  to  his  early  views  a 

1  Works,  I,  6. 

2  Ibid.,  1,  10. 

3  Cf.  Sprague's  Annals  of  the  American  Pulpit,  VIII,  545. 

-  155  — 


FOLLEN  IN  AMERICA 

superstition  of  the  ignorant  classes,  only  less  tasteful  in  its 
imaginary  objects  than  those  presented  by  the  symbolic  myth 
ology  of  Greece  and  Rome.  Not  until  after  he  had  entered  the 
university  did  he  read  the  Bible ;  concerning  his  first  impulse 
thereto  he  gave  some  years  later  an  account 1  something  as 
follows : 

As  an  examination  for  entrance  to  the  university  he  was 
required  to  write  upon  the  theme :  "How  can  a  man  die  for  a 
cause?"  Since  he  had  never  reflected  upon  the  subject  he 
could  consequently  think  of  nothing  to  write.  Under  the 
stress  of  necessity  he  asked  himself  how  he  was  to  derive 
power  to  start  a  strain  of  thought  on  the  theme.  In  this 
quandary  it  occurred  to  him  that  since  effort  produces  thoughts 
more  or  less  true,  finite  mind  must  have  a  certain  relation  to 
a  Fountain  of  mind,  to  which  it  can  aspire  and  thereby  realize 
an  inspiration  of  truth.  This  attainment  of  truth  through 
an  effort  of  mind  proved  to  him  the  existence  of  an  infinite 
Spirit  in  living  relation  with  him.  Thus  he  seemed  to  dis 
cover  a  lyiving  God,  who  was  his  father.  This  was  a  primal 
act  of  faith  and  the  beginning  of  a  new  era  in  his  life.  The 
idea  of  a  living  communion  with  his  Creator  gave  him  a  flood 
of  light,  and  with  faith  that  power  would  be  given  him  to 
accomplish  his  task  he  concentrated  his  mind  upon  his  subject 
and  easily  wrote  his  examination.  This  successful  effort  he 
considered  as  prayer  and  the  answer  thereto.  He  began  by 
pondering  on  those  objects  which  had  induced  various  his 
torical  characters  to  give  up  their  lives,  finding  that  all  such 
acts  of  self-sacrifice  were  acts  of  men  at  the  summit  of  their 
energies,  and  implied  a  duality  of  nature,  which  is  the  distinc 
tive  human  characteristic.  No  animal  voluntarily  gives  up 
life.  What  then,  he  asked  himself,  is  this  that  stands  above 
the  animal  life  and  in  sovereign  power  gives  away  life  itself? 
The  fact  that  there  is  something  mortal  which  man  can  give 
away  proved  to  him  that  there  must  be  something  immortal  in 
the  consciousness  of  the  giver.  The  truth  of  this  idea  in 
Pollen's  mind  was  the  turning  point  of  his  life;  it  was  the 
consciousness  of  a  spiritual  birth. 

1  Cf.  Miss  Peabody's  Reminiscences  of  Channing,  213ff. 
—  156  — 


UNITARIANISM 

Pollen  was  now  desirous  of  investigating  and  comparing 
the  various  religions  of  the  world.  The  nucleus  of  the  popular 
religion  was  the  death  of  Christ,  and  he  now  looked  into  the 
New  Testament  for  the  first  time,  investigating  the  circum 
stances  and  seeking  the  motives  of  this  death.  With  a  decided 
inclination  toward  religious  speculation  his  theological  studies 
at  the  university  tended  to  increase  his  critical  attitude  toward 
Christianity,  making  him  unwilling  to  be  guided  by  sentiment 
alone  or  to  accept  religious  doctrine  unless  it  coincided  with 
his  highest  reason.  As  soon  as  he  became  conscious  of  his 
skepticism  he  applied  himself  to  the  study  of  the  English 
Deists,  the  French  Encyclopaedists,  the  German  Idealists,  and 
the  Pantheistic  writers,  in  order  to  investigate  all  the  argu 
ments  for  and  against  the  Christian  religion,  emerging  with  a 
firm  and  joyous  faith.  "For  myself,"  he  said,1  "I  can 
certainly  say  that  next  to  the  Gospel  itself  the  books  written 
against  it  have  been  the  most  efficient  promoters  of  my  belief 
in  its  divine  truth." 

Follen's  enlarged  faith,  however,  was  something  more 
perfect,  more  spiritual,  than  what  he  found  in  the  general 
religious  life  of  the  times.  That  it  was  out  of  harmony  with 
the  established  doctrine  of  the  orthodox  church  is  evident  from 
his  conflict  with  the  Calvinistic  clergy  in  Switzerland  where 
in  his  lectures  on  the  history  of  Christianity  he  gave  expression 
to  his  radical  views  concerning  God,  Christ,  and  salvation. 
His  new  faith  was  born  of  the  new  philosophy,  the  ethical 
idealism,  that  had  caused  the  great  religious  awakening  of  the 
wars  of  liberation.  His  desire  to  renovate  both  Church  and 
State  was  due  not  only  to  his  mystic  piety  and  moral  bent  of 
mind,  but  also  to  the  influence  of  Kant,  Fichte,  Schiller,  Fries 
and  Schleiermacher,  whose  doctrines  he  had  thoroughly  assimi 
lated.  Concerning  the  religious  views  of  this  period  of  his 
life  and  the  influence  which  the  failure  of  his  political  hopes 
had  upon  him,  he  speaks  thus  in  the  preface  to  his  tract  on 
Religion  and  the  Church : 2  "When  I  was  pursuing  my  studies 
in  a  German  university  I  felt  strongly  impressed  with  the  in- 

1  Works,  I,  56. 

2  Works,  V,  254ff. 

—  157  — 


POLLEN   IN  AMERICA 

efficacy  of  the  established  forms  of  faith  and  worship.  Their 
unfitness  to  satisfy  the  spiritual  wants  of  my  own  nature,  and 
to  quicken  the  religious  affections  and  energies  of  the  people, 
called  up  to  mind  the  image  of  a  Universal  Church,  a  church 
of  mankind,  having  no  other  foundation  and  support  than  the 
natural  interests  of  men  in  religion.  The  true  interests  of  the 
church,  that  is,  the  religious  interests  of  man,  seemed  to  me 
most  effectually  secured  by  relying  wholly  and  solely  on  the 
principles  of  individual  freedom,  and  intimate  spiritual  inter 
course  among  men,  and  the  tendency  to  infinite  progress  in 
human  nature." 

PLAN   OF  A  RELIGIOUS  REFORM. 

This  early  philosophic  vision  never  faded  from  Pollen's 
mind,  but  continued  to  grow  clearer  and  more  inspiring  to 
action.  When  crossing  the  Atlantic  to  commence  life  anew  in 
this  country  he  was  already  forming  plans  to  carry  out  his 
long-cherished  scheme  of  religious  philanthropy  "as  the  only 
star  of  promise  amidst  the  gloom  of  disappointed  hopes/'  as 
he  expressed  it.1  From  several  of  his  letters  and  portions  of 
his  diary  published  in  his  Works  it  is  evident  that  he  began  a 
keen  observation  of  the  religious  life  and  institutions  around 
him  as  soon  as  he  landed  in  this  country.  In  one  of  these 
letters  2  descriptive  of  American  life,  written  to  his  parents 
less  than  a  month  after  his  arrival,  he  observes  "that  much 
depends  here  on  religious  sentiment,  but  nothing  on  religious 
opinion;  one  may  declare  himself  an  atheist,  a  heathen,  or  a 
Christian."  He  was  glad  to  note  a  general  interest  in  religion 
and  also  complete  freedom  in  matters  of  religious  belief;  but 
on  the  other  hand  the  fact  that  the  religious  sentiment  dis 
played  seemed  to  him  to  be  rather  a  matter  of  dogma  and  sec 
tarian  belief  than  the  expression  of  pure  religious  feeling  con 
vinced  him  at  once  that  the  religious  life  of  America  was  as 
much  in  need  of  a  thorough  renovation  as  that  of  Europe. 
That  this  conviction  not  only  strengthened  his  long-cherished 

1  Ibid. 

2  Ibid.,  I,  148. 

—  158  - 


UNITARIANISM 

scheme  of  religious  philanthropy,  but  also  led  him  from  the 
very  outset  to  decide  definitely  upon  a  movement  for  a  radical 
reform  of  ecclesiastical  and  religious  life  in  this  country  is 
shown  conclusively  by  a  letter  *  written  from  Philadelphia  on 
the  31st  of  August,  1825,  to  his  old  Giessen  friend,  Christian 
Sartorius,  in  Mexico.  After  making  some  general  observa 
tions  on  American  life,  he  discusses  a  scheme  for  constitu 
tional  reform  in  the  United  States  and  then  proceeds  as  fol 
lows  to  outline  the  plan  of  his  proposed  religious  reform : 

"I  have  still  another  plan,  on  which  I  desire  to  have  your 
opinion  in  your  next  letter.  Here,  where  complete  freedom 
of  conscience  prevails,  new  sects  are  springing  up  daily,  which 
indicates  a  vague  religious  aspiration.  The  chief  defect,  how 
ever,  which  all  churches  and  sects  have  had  since  the  earliest 
times  is  this :  that  they  are  founded  upon  dogmas,  upon  a 
definite  confession  of  faith.  Everyone  is  reared  in  some  creed, 
and  so  complies  as  a  rule  with  that  which  his  sponsors  promised 
in  his  stead  at  his  christening.  This  rests  upon  a  complete 
misunderstanding  of  rational  human  nature,  which  impels 
man  to  a  continuous  perfecting  of  his  character  as  also  of  his 
religious  conviction.  On  the  other  hand  all  churches  have 
hitherto  presupposed  that  religion  consists  in  the  acceptance 
and  adherence  to  a  definite  confession  of  faith.  I  say:  Re 
ligion  is  piety.  This  consists  in  letting  one's  self  be  guided  by 
God  in  all  his  actions,  that  is,  in  striving  'to  be  perfect  as  his 
Father  in  Heaven  is  perfect',  as  Christ  says.  The  Church  is 
the  covenant  of  piety,  through  which  men  mutually  join  to 
exalt  themselves  in  feeling  (in  devotion)  to  God,  to  gain  as 
adequate  a  conception  of  God  as  possible,  and  to  make  pious 
resolutions.  As  to  the  conception  of  God,  through  which  the 
feeling  and  will  are  guided,  it  is  two-fold :  imagination  and 
knowledge.  It  is  art  which  directs  the  imagination  toward 
God :  Architecture,  painting,  music,  and  poetry  must  create  for 
a  deep  veneration  of  God,  for  that  most  sublime  inner  feeling, 
a  corresponding  outward  expression.  Intellectual  power,  by 
virtue  of  which  we  are  convinced  of  God's  existence,  is  thereby 
promoted,  so  that  every  one  in  the  religious  assembly  can  fully 

i  Follen-Briefe,  No.  12,  Jahrbuch  D.  A.  H.  G.,  XIV,  26ff. 
—  159  — 


KOLLEN  IN  AMERICA 

express  his  doubts  as  well  as  his  faith,  rendering  it  necessary 
on  the  part  of  the  speaker  to  be  cautious  only  in  the  order  and 
dignity  of  his  utterances,  just  as  in  a  law-making  body.  In 
addition  to  this  the  appointment  of  clergymen  is  highly  ad 
vantageous  :  namely  of  men  who  are  able,  by  being  relieved 
from  the  necessity  of  working  for  a  living,  to  devote  their 
whole  talent  to  the  study  of  all  the  different  religious  systems. 
Thereby  scientific  knowledge  and  the  independent  thought  of 
each  individual  will  be  combined.  It  should  be  the  duty  of 
the  clergyman  to  address  the  congregation  if  nobody  else 
wishes  to.  Of  course  there  must  be  executive  officials  also. 

"In  this  way  I  believe  the  church  should  be  founded,  not 
on  a  dead  confession  of  faith,  but  upon  a  living,  ever-growing 
conviction.  Unfortunately  my  study  of  English  law  leaves  me 
very  little  time  for  making  a  written  statement  of  my  ideas  and 
for  spreading  them  abroad,  concerning  which  nobody  in 
America  has  thus  far  any  knowledge  except  Beck  and  Kahl. 
I  have  reasons  for  keeping  silent  about  it  until  the  whole  plan 
is  matured.  In  this  manner  it  is  possible  to  put  an  end  forever 
to  all  schisms,  while  in  the  one  general  church  each  sect  shall 
appear  merely  as  the  representative  of  one  of  a  number  of 
confessions,  all  of  which  are  important  for  the  information  of 
the  whole  church." 

The  views  which  Pollen  expresses  in  this  letter  agree  in 
the  main  with  the  principles  laid  down  in  Schleiermacher's 
religious  writings,  viz.,  the  repudiation  of  unreasoning  de 
votion  to  creeds;  the  differentiation  of  dogma  and  religion;  the 
union  of  all  sects  into  one  church;  the  conception  of  religion 
as  feeling,  piety,  and  reverent  contemplation  of  God;  the 
sublime  work  of  nature  and  art  as  the  expression  of  an  im 
manent  Deity,  as  a  symbol  through  which  the  mind  and  heart 
are  directed  toward  the  one  eternal  God;  and  the  Christian 
Church  as  an  association  of  pious  men  for  mutual  aid  and 
cultivation  of  a  closer  relation  to  God.  These  ideas  of  religious 
reform  were  brought  by  Follen  from  Germany  and  were 
wholly  independent  of  any  American  influence.  In  all  prob 
ability  he  knew  little  or  nothing  of  the  New  England  move 
ment  when  this  letter  was  written. 

—  160  — 


UNITARIANISM 

INTERCOURSE:  WITH  CHANNING. 

W.  E.  Channing  is  usually  called  the  forerunner  of  the 
new  movement.  At  any  rate  his  famous  Baltimore  sermon  J 
in  1819,  not  only  marked  the  climax  of  rational  Unitarianism, 
but  in  its  allusion  to  the  dignity  of  human  nature,  the  power 
of  moral  intuition,  and  similar  ideas,  struck  a  new  chord. 
That  he  felt  the  need  of  the  times  is  evident  from  the  follow 
ing  excerpt  from  a  letter  written  in  praise  of  Wordsworth  in 
1820: 2  "I  wish  to  see  among  Unitarians,"  he  says,  "a  develop 
ment  of  imagination  and  poetical  enthusiasm,  as  well  as  of  the 
rational  and  critical  powers  *  *  *  I  have  before  told  you  how 
much  I  think  Unitarians  have  suffered  from  union  with  a 
heart-withering  philosophy.  I  will  now  add  that  it  has  suffered 
also  from  a  too  exclusive  application  of  its  advocates  to  biblical 
criticism  and  theological  controversy,  in  other  words,  from  a 
too  partial  culture  of  mind.  I  fear  that  we  must  look  to  other 
schools  for  the  thoughts  which  thrill  us,  which  touch  the  most 
inward  springs,  and  disclose  to  us  the  depths  of  our  souls." 
By  birth  and  education  Channing  was  a  rationalist  and  clung 
to  the  philosophical  traditions  of  the  conservatives — the  sensu 
ous  philosophy  of  Locke ;  by  nature  he  was  an  idealist  and 
sympathized  with  the  views  of  the  radicals. 3  That  he  wel 
comed  and  assimilated  much  of  the  spirit  of  German  idealism 
is  attested  by  his  biographer  in  the  following  statement :  4 

"Nothing  characterized  him  more  than  the  youthful  eager 
ness  with  which  he  greeted  the  advent  of  every  newly  dis 
covered  truth.  He  was  'not  a  watcher  by  the  tomb,  but  a  man 
of  the  resurrection'.  He  lived  in  the  mountain  air  of  hope. 
And  at  this  period  of  his  life  he  was  breathing  in  the  freshness 
with  which  the  whole  intellect  of  Christendom  seemed  inspired, 
as  it  pressed  onward  across  the  wide  prairie  which  the  science, 
philosophy,  poetry,  and  revolutionary  tendencies  of  the  age  had 

1  From  the  text,   Prove  all  things ;  hold   fast  that  which  is  good 
(I  Thes.  V,  21)  ;  cf.  Works  of  Channing,  367  fi. 

2  Life  of  Channing,  276. 

3  Cf.  Frothingham,  Transcendentalism,  110. 

4  Life  of  Channing,  274f . 

-  161  - 


FOLLEN  IN  AMERICA 

opened.  It  was  with  intense  delight  that  he  made  acquaintance 
with  the  master  minds  of  Germany,  through  the  medium,  first, 
of  Madame  de  Stael,  and  afterwards  of  Coleridge.  He  recog 
nized  in  them  his  leaders.  In  Kant's  doctrine  of  the  Reason 
he  found  confirmation  of  the  views  which,  in  early  years 
received  from  Price,  had  quickened  him  to  ever  deeper  rever 
ence  of  the  essential  powers  of  man.  To  Schelling's  sublime 
intimations  of  the  Divine  life  everywhere  manifested  through 
nature  and  humanity,  his  heart,  devoutly  conscious  of  the  uni 
versal  agency  of  God,  gladly  responded.  But  above  all  did  the 
heroic  stoicism  of  Fichte  charm  him  by  its  full  assertion  of  the 
grandeur  of  the  human  will.  Without  adopting  the  system  of 
either  of  these  philosophers,  and,  fortunately  perhaps  for  him, 
without  being  fully  acquainted  with  these  systems,  he  yet 
received  from  their  examples  the  most  animating  incentives  to 
follow  out  the  paths  of  speculation  into  which  his  own  mind 
had  entered." 

In  addition  to  the  foregoing  statement  that  Channing  was 
introduced  to  German  thought  by  Mme.  de  Stael,  and  that  his 
interest  in  it  was  greatly  stimulated  by  Coleridge  and  Carlyle, 
it  is  said  *  that  he  gained  still  more  knowledge  of  it  through 
the  medium  of  Margaret  Fuller,  who  often  translated  for  him 
passages  from  the  works  of  such  writers  as  De  Wette,  Herder, 
and  Goethe.  This  is  all  true,  but  it  is  not  the  whole  truth.  It 
is  safe  to  say  that  he  learned  from  Mme.  de  Stael  very  little 
German  philosophy  itself.  Although  he  had  met  Coleridge 
personally  in  1822  and  had  prior  to  that  time  been  introduced 
to  the  transcendental  philosophers  of  Germany  through  the 
medium  of  short  extracts  contained  in  the  "Biographia  Litera- 
ria,"2  it  is  probable  that  he  did  not  derive  much  knowledge  on 
the  subject  from  Coleridge  until  James  Marsh  republished  in 
this  country  the  Aids  to  Reflection  in  1829.  The  first  informa 
tion  he  received  from  Carlyle  was  from  the  latter's  essays  on 
Goethe  and  German  literature,  which  began  to  appear  in  the 
Edinburgh  Review  in  1827.  From  Margaret  Fuller  he  received 

1  Memoirs  of  Margaret  Fuller,  I,   175f . 

2  Cf.  Miss  Peabody's  Reminiscences  of  Channing,  76, 

—  162  — 


UNITARIANISM 

no  aid  until  1836.  As  early  as  the  winter  of  1826- '27,  however, 
'Pollen  had  become  a  welcome  guest  at  his  home  and  at  once 
entered  into  close  intellectual  intercourse  with  him,  discussing 
with  him  questions  pertaining  to  German  literature,  theology, 
and  philosophy — a  fact  which  seems  to  have  been  overlooked 
by  those  who  have  written  on  the  Transcendental  movement  in 
New  England. 

In  the  autumn  of  1826  Follen  was  invited  to  attend  an 
informal  gathering  of  Sunday  School  teachers  who  met  fort 
nightly  in  Dr.  Channing's  study  to  discuss  the  subject  of 
religious  education.  This  was  his  first  personal  acquaintance 
with  Channing  and  the  beginning  of  a  warm,  abiding  friend 
ship  with  him.  To  Miss  Peabody  we  are  indebted  for  a  vivid 
description  1  of  this  meeting.  According  to  her  account  the 
subject  of  the  evening  was  the  significance  of  the  death  of 
Christ.  During  a  pause  in  the  discussion  Channing,  in  glanc 
ing  around  the  room  filled  with  people,  observed  Follen  quite 
hidden  behind  the  rest,  and  with  a  desire  to  draw  him  out,  to 
see  perhaps  if  there  was  anything  in  him  worth  hearing,  asked 
him  whether  he  had  anything  to  say  on  the  subject.  Being 
extremely  modest  he  blushed  deeply  and  hesitated  for  an 
instant,  but  then  arose  and  proceeded  with  great  simplicity  and 
earnestness,  in  a  speech  worded  with  the  greatest  felicity  of 
expression,  to  state  the  views  of  Christ's  death  which  had  made 
him  a  Christian.  Miss  Peabody  observes  that  the  audience  sat 
quite  entranced  at  his  exceedingly  individual  and  impressive 
narration  of  his  deep  inner  experience :  "Dr.  Channing  was 
entirely  absorbed,  his  countenance  growing  brighter  at  every 
word.  He  saw  he  had  struck  a  mine,  for  here  was  a  man 
whose  religion  was  not  an  inheritance,  nor  an  imitation,  nor 
a  convention  of  society,  but  the  covenant  of  a  consciously 
finite  being  with  God.  From  that  moment  was  cemented  a 
friendship  that  never  had  a  shadow  of  misunderstanding  fall 
upon  it,  but  was  a  perfect  mutual  respect  and  tender  love." 

Follen  was  a  great  acquisition  to  these  meetings  as  his 
biographer  observes :  "His  free  and  independent  thought,  and 
the  frank,  fearless  expression  of  his  opinions,  encouraged 

1  Ibid.,  213ff. ;  also  Sprague's  Annals,  VIII,  544ff. 
—  163  — 


FOLLEN  IN  AMERICA 

others  to  think  and  speak  freely ;  while  his  unaffected  respect 
for  the  views  of  others,  and  the  place  of  a  learner,  which  his 
modesty  always  led  him  to  take  for  himself,  made  him  the 
model  of  all.  When  he  spoke  of  spiritual  realities,  of  his  faith 
in  a  future  life,  everyone  felt  that  he  spoke  of  what  he  be 
lieved,  and  that  immortality  had  already  commenced  in  him."  * 
He  made  such  a  favorable  impression  upon  his  new  friends 
that  he  was  urged  to  enter  the  ministry,  and  after  a  short  con 
sideration  of  the  matter  made  known  to  Dr.  Channing  his 
decision  to  accept  the  call.  One  must  not  conclude,  however, 
that  this  step  was  especially  due  to  the  importunities  of  his 
friends.  During  his  first  year  in  Cambridge  he  had  become 
acquainted  with  the  Unitarian  movement  and  found  that  it 
showed  phases  and  tendencies  which  coincided  in  the  main 
with  those  ideals  which  he  had  brought  with  him  from  Ger 
many.  Here  then  was  the  opportunity  to  proceed  with  his 
plan  for  religious  reform  which  he  had  sketched  in  his  letter 
to  Sartorius  the  previous  year.  He  now  took  up  the  matter 
with  Dr.  Channing,  receiving  from  him  much  sympathetic  aid 
and  friendly  counsel  for  his  preparation. 

In  December  of  this  same  year  (1826)  he  wrote  to  his 
father  as  follows : 2  "Channing  is  the  most  distinguished 
preacher  in  the  United  States  and  stands  at  the  head  of  the 
Unitarians,  that  is,  of  that  religious  sect,  who  regard  Christ  as 
a  divinely  inspired,  perfect  man,  and  who  reject  the  Trinity. 
To  this  doctrine  belong  the  best  informed  men  of  this  State ; 
and  it  was  very  delightful  to  Dr.  Channing  to  learn  through 
me,  that  a  great  number  of  German  Lutherans  thought  with 
him.  I  have  had  much  conversation  with  him,  especially  on 
philosophical  subjects,  and  we  agree  about  them  in  all  essential 
particulars.  He  is,  besides,  my  very  warm  friend,  and  the 
firmest  spiritual  stay  and  staff  which  I  have  here." 

Pollen  and  Channing  kept  in  constant  touch  either  in 
person  or  by  correspondence.  The  letters  which  they  ex 
changed  during  the  summer  of  1827  indicate  their  deep  regard 

1  Works,  I,  172. 

2  Ibid.,  I,  167. 

—  164  — 


UNITARIANISM 

for  each  other  as  also  the  mutual  benefit  which  they  derived 
from  their  intimate  association.  While  absent  in  New  York, 
in  May,  Channing  wrote  to  Pollen  concerning  the  death  of  the 
latter's  friend  and  compatriot,  Dr.  Bardili,  in  that  city,  closing 
his  letter  as  follows : x  "This  event  may  be  used  by  us  to  con 
firm  in  us  that  spirit  of  self-sacrifice,  of  which  we  have  so 
often  spoken.  When  we  see  what  a  vapor  life  is,  how  suddenly 
dissolved,  we  should  dismiss  our  anxiety  about  prolonging  it, 
and  count  that  man  the  most  privileged,  who,  instead  of  wast 
ing  it  in  efforts  to  escape  its  end,  offers  it  up  freely  in  the  cause 
of  God  and  man,  of  freedom  and  religion.  I  owe  to  you  some 
interesting  views  on  this  subject,  and  hope  to  renew  our  conver 
sation  on  my  return/' 

To  this  letter  Follen  replied  in  July.  Two  short  passages 
of  his  letter  2  concerning  immortality  and  the  Deity  may  be 
quoted  here :  "It  is  gratifying  to  my  feelings  that  my  friend, 
before  his  death,  has  seen  you,  and  beheld  in  your  eyes  the 
reflection  of  that  look  of  love  which  was  soon  to  welcome  him 
to  heaven.  There,  in  a  wider  sphere  of  exertion  and  enjoy 
ment,  I  hope  to  meet  him  again,  with  many  of  those  privileged 
of  men  who,  'instead  of  wasting  their  life  in  efforts  to  escape 
its  end,  have  offered  it  up  freely  in  the  cause  of  God  and  man, 
of  freedom  and  religion/  I  hope  to  meet  him  there,  if  my 
exertions  do  not  fall  short  of  my  ardent  desire  to  keep,  as 
Milton  says,  in  tune  with  heaven.  And  in  this  respect  I  owe 
to  you,  my  most  excellent  friend,  much  more  than  I  am  capable 
of  expressing.  *  *  *  There  are  several  theological  subjects 
concerning  which  I  desire  your  opinion  and  advice.  But  my 
mind  is  now  unfortunately  so  much  distracted  with  different 
occupations,  that  all  my  attempts  at  writing  down  a  series  of 
thoughts  prove  unsuccessful.  Yet,  while  the  minor  faculties 
of  the  mind  are  engaged  in  transitory  pursuits,  the  deepest  and 
fondest  exertions  of  my  soul  are  directed  to  that  universal 
Mind,  which  is  revealed  in  the  creation  and  in  the  highest 
results  of  inspired  wisdom.  The  more  my  mind  presses  on 

1  Ibid,  I,  174. 

2  Ibid.,  I,  175ff. 

-165- 


FOLLEN  IN  AMERICA 

toward  that  all-seeing  L,ight,  so  much  the  more  its  warmth 
expands  and  attracts  my  heart,  as  if  to  assure  me,  that  wisdom 
and  love,  as  well  as  light  and  warmth,  flow  from  the  same 
eternal  source."  This  somewhat  pantheistic  conception  of  God 
along  with  his  warmth  of  religious  feeling  shows  again  the 
influence  of  Schleiermacher. 

At  the  close  of  the  letter  Pollen  expresses  a  desire  to 
spend  the  month  of  August  with  Charming  at  Newport,  where 
the  latter  was  taking  his  summer  vacation,  in  order  to  receive 
some  assistance  from  him  on  a  series  of  lectures  on  religion 
which  he  was  preparing.  To  this  Charming  replied  as  follows  :l 
"I  thank  you  for  your  kind  letter.  It  was,  of  course,  gratify 
ing  to  me.  To  know  that  I  have  contributed  at  all  to  the  peace 
and  progress  of  such  a  mind  as  yours  is  a  great  happiness.  I 
wish  you  to  feel  that  you  have  paid  your  debt.  My  interviews 
with  you  have  been  highly  interesting;  and  I  owe  to  them 
views  and  impressions,  which  have  quickened  and  enriched  my 
mind." 

Channing  procured  lodgings  for  Follen  near  his  own  and 
gladly  welcomed  his  arrival.  The  vacation  was  spent  in  the 
closest  friendly  association,  in  walks  and  drives  and  scholarly 
discussions.  "He  has  often  spoken  to  me,"  says  Pollen's 
biographer,2  "of  the  high  enjoyment  he  derived  from  the  free, 
intimate  communion  he  had  this  summer  with  his  friend,  Dr. 
Channing.  The  highest  and  holiest  subjects  were  the  themes 
of  their  conversation.  They  often  took  very  different  views. 
But  as  truth,  not  victory,  was  ever  their  object  their  differences 
of  opinion  served  to  shed  more  light  upon  the  mind  of  each, 
and  to  add  another  charm  to  their  affectionate  and  happy 
intercourse." 

In  the  autumn  of  1827  the  teacher's  meetings  at  Dr. 
Channing's  were  resumed  and  Follen  was  always  present  as 
one  of  the  leaders  in  the  discussion  of  the  evening.  Through 
their  close  association  during  the  summer  vacation  Channing 
began  to  recognize  more  clearly  than  ever  that  Pollen  was  no 

1  Ibid.,  I,  178. 

2  Ibid.,  I,  179. 

—  166  — 


UNITARIANISM 

ordinary  man,  and  from  this  time  on  the  latter  was  a  regular 
visitor  at  his  home.  About  this  time  Pollen  began  to  keep  a 
diary,  which  he  continued  for  a  period  of  nearly  four  months, 
recording  many  of  his  conversations  and  discussions  with  some 
of  the  main  leaders  of  the  Unitarian  movement.  His  bi 
ographer  has  given  us  some  "extracts"  *  from  this  journal  with 
the  statement  that  much  has  been  withheld  from  publication 
on  account  of  its  personal  nature.  If  the  complete  record  were 
available  it  would  perhaps  throw  much  new  light  upon  Pollen's 
importance  for  the  development  of  later  Unitarianism,  but  the 
"extracts"  alone  indicate  to  some  extent  what  an  important 
role  he  was  playing  in  the  intellectual  life  of  Cambridge,  apart 
from  his  activity  as  instructor  in  German  in  the  College.  This 
incomplete  record  from  November  5th  to  February  26th  shows 
that  in  addition  to  attending  the  regular  fortnightly  meetings 
at  Dr.  Channing's,  Pollen  spent  on  the  average  at  least  one 
evening  per  week  with  him  in  private  discussion  of  religious, 
philosophical,  and  sociological  subjects.  Among  the  questions 
discussed  such  as  the  following  may  be  mentioned :  The  per 
sonality  of  God;  the  nature  of  Christ;  immortality;  free 
agency;  moral  and  religious  education;  Christianity  as  a  par 
ticular  form  of  religion;  religious  instruction  of  children;  the 
value  of  imaginative  literature  and  of  fiction  in  general  on  the 
education  of  children;  Schiller's  idea  of  the  cooperation  of 
kindred  minds  for  the  discovery  of  truth.  Besides  discussing 
such  subjects  in  general  Channing  often  requested  Pollen  to 
read  to  him  from  such  works  as  Foster's  Rise  and  Progress  of 
Religion,  Tennemann's  History  of  Philosophy,  and  de  Ger- 
ando's  discussion  of  Kant's  idealism.  Many  of  these  discus 
sions  gave  Pollen  the  opportunity,  as  the  diary  shows,  to 
present  not  only  the  views  of  the  greatest  German  minds,  but 
to  advance  arguments  of  his  own,  some  of  which  were  new 
and  interesting  to  Channing.  One  of  the  last  entries  in  the 
diary  shows  that  Channing  decided  under  the  inspiration  of 
these  discussions  to  study  German. 

The  benefits  derived  from  this  close  intellectual  communion 
were  of  course  mutual.     It  is  quite  probable  that  Channing 

i  Ibid.,  I,  182ff. 

—  167  — 


FOLLEN  IN  AMERICA 

learned  as  much  from  Follen  as  the  latter  did  from  the  former. 
It  seems  that  a  man  like  Channing  would  hardly  have  spent 
his  valuable  time  one  evening  a  week  with  Follen  if  the  latter 
had  not  had  something  valuable  to  offer  him.  No  one  in 
Boston,  not  even  in  America,  had  at  that  time  so  broad  a  grasp 
on  the  modern  system  of  German  theology  and  philosophy  as 
Follen,  and  it  was  probably  to  this  rich  fund  of  knowledge  and 
its  liberating  spirit  that  Channing  was  attracted.1  Although 
we  have  no  record  on  which  to  rely,  there  is  no  reason  to 
suppose  that  these  private  discussions  were  ever  discontinued, 
for  both  lived  near  each  other  and  remained  intimate  friends 
until  Follen's  death.  Miss  Peabody,  who  at  that  time  usually 
spent  her  evenings  at  Channing's,  observes2  that  she  heard  the 
two  men  talk  together  a  great  deal,  and  that  while  they  often 
took  very  different  views  on  special  subjects  they  agreed  on 
general  principles.  Although  Channing,  as  we  have  seen,  had 
become  interested  in  German  thought  he  seems  to  have  been 
somewhat  suspicious  of  it  until  after  he  came  in  contact  with 
Follen,  for  according  to  Ripley3  he  cautiously  advised  William 
Emerson  in  1823  to  study  at  Cambridge  rather  than  at  Gottin- 
gen  since  he  believed  that  so  far  as  moral  influence  and  relig 
ious  feeling  were  concerned  a  New  England  minister  could 
obtain  the  best  education  at  Cambridge.  Between  this  date 
and  the  time  he  met  Follen  Channing  had  access  to  no  other 
sources  of  information  concerning  German  thought  than  he 
already  possessed,  but  after  a  year's  intellectual  intercourse 
with  Follen,  perhaps  far  more  extensive  than  the  diary  and 
correspondence  indicate,  Channing  had  become  so  greatly 
interested  in  German  philosophy  that  he  decided  at  the  age  of 
48  to  study  the  German  language  in  order  to  gain  a  first-hand 
knowledge  of  German  thought. 

The  purpose  of  this  whole  discussion  is  to  show  simply 

1  In  her  Reminiscences  of  Channing,  301,  Miss  Peabody  states  ex 
plicitly  that  Channing  unaffectedly  regarded  Follen  as  his  superior  in 
learning  and  Christian  character. 

2  Cf .  Sprague's  Annals,  VIII,  546. 

3  Cf.  Frothingham,  Life  of  George  Ripley,  20f. 

—  168  — 


UNITARIANISM 

that  if  Channing  actually  recognized  the  master  minds  of 
Germany  as  his  leaders,  as  his  biographer  asserts,  Pollen  was 
in  all  probability  one  of  the  important  sources  of  his  informa 
tion  concerning  their  teachings.  Although  no  attempt  is  made 
here  to  show  that  Pollen  in  any  way  changed  Channing's 
mature  thought,1  it  seems  reasonable  to  assume,  however,  that 
he  did  to  some  extent  influence  some  of  his  later  views.  At 
any  rate  John  White  Chadwick,  one  of  Channing's  biographers 
and  a  man  of  critical  insight  and  fine  literary  sense,  speaks 
thus  :2  "I  have  seemed  to  find  in  Channing's  later  thought 
more  of  Pollen's  than  of  any  other  personal  influence.  Those 
tendencies  in  his  preaching  which  were  deplored  as  trans 
cendental  were  quite  surely,  in  some  measure,  developments 
of  germs  which  fell  into  his  own  from  Pollen's  fruitful  mind." 

The  diary  shows  also  that  Pollen  associated  intimately 
with  other  Unitarian  leaders,  such  as  Ware,  Palfrey,  Peabody, 
Higginson,  and  others,  discussing  with  them  theology,  philos 
ophy,  and  literature,  and  stimulating  their  interest  in  his 
broad,  enlightened  views  on  religion  and  ethics. 

James  Freeman  Clarke,  another  of  the  great  Unitarian 
leaders,  owed  his  enthusiasm  for  German  thought  in  some 
measure  at  least  to  Pollen.  He  entered  Harvard  in  1825,  the 
year  before  Pollen  began  to  teach  German  there,  and  was 
graduated  with  the  class  of  1829.  He  then  entered  the  Divin 
ity  School  and  for  another  year  was  in  direct  touch  with 
Pollen.  Clarke's  high  tribute  to  Pollen,  which  has  been  quoted 
in  the  preceding  chapter,  may  be  taken  as  an  expression  of  the 
general  esteem  in  which  he  was  held  by  at  least  some  of  the 
leaders  of  the  Transcendental  movement  and  an  acknowledg 
ment  of  his  influence  upon  them. 

As  teacher  of  ethics  in  the  Theological  School  Pollen's 
sphere  of  influence  was  greatly  increased,  for  this  position  not 
only  brought  him  into  closer  relation  with  many  prominent 
Unitarians  outside  of  college  circles,  but  also  into  close  touch 

1  Pollen  wrote  to  Beck  that  Channing  was  always  ready  to  accept 
the  views  of  others  if  he  found  them  better  than  his  own.     Works,  I, 
284. 

2  William,  Ellery  Channing,  383. 

—  169  — 


POLLEN  IN  AMERICA 

with  many  of  the  theological  students,  who  were  afterwards 
to  become  prominent  leaders  of  the  new  movement. 


While  the  radical  wing  of  the  Unitarians  hailed  the  great 
influx  of  German  writings,  the  conservatives  began  to  look 
askance  at  these  philosophical  and  religious  teachings,  regard 
ing  them  as  contaminating  and  irreligious,  and  gradually  array 
ing  themselves  against  them.  As  this  antagonism  grew  Follen 
sought  in  private  and  in  public  to  dispel  this  erroneous  notion. 
In  his  Inaugural  Address  he  defends  German  philosophy  as 
follows  :  'While  German  speculation  has  in  its  attempts  to 
solve  the  riddle  of  the  universe  produced  some  definite  and  im 
portant  results  its  greatest  value  consists  in  the  unwearied  and 
never-satisfied  striving  of  the  mind  to  fathom  and  compre 
hend  itself  and  that  whole  of  which  itself  is  only  a  portion. 
Jacob,  who  wrestled  with  the  angel,  bearing  off  in  his  lame 
ness  a  revelation  of  omnipotence,  is  the  true  emblem  of  German 
philosophy.  It  is  valuable  chiefly  as  mental  gymnastics  to 
methodically  unfold,  invigorate,  and  refine  the  powers  of  the 
mind.  Its  genius  is  a  spirit  of  laborious,  thorough-going  inves 
tigation  into  the  nature  of  things,  —  an  attempt  to  survey  the 
whole  region  of  faith  and  doubt,  to  investigate  the  origin  and 
elements  of  all  science,  to  analyze  every  conception  and  idea 
which  we  formulate  in  the  domain  of  truth.  This  spirit  of 
free  inquiry  has  often  been  accused  of  a  tendency  to  material 
ism  and  skepticism  and  to  a  denial  of  those  spiritual  realities 
which  form  the  foundation  of  the  Christian  faith  —  the  soul  of 
man  and  the  soul  of  the  universe  ;  but  the  fact  is,  that  while  the 
whole  school  of  modern  philosophy,  both  the  French  and  the 
English,  are  advocates  of  materialism,  the  records  of  German 
philosophy  from  Leibnitz  to  Kant  and  his  disciples  do  not 
exhibit  the  name  of  a  single  materialist  or  absolute  skeptic. 
This  phenomenon  is  not  due  to  lack  of  freedom  in  expressing 
opinions  different  from  those  laid  down  by  established  creeds 
supported  by  government  or  by  popular  opinion,  for  in  no 
country  is  there  so  much  liberty  in  the  profession  of  philo 
sophical  and  religious  opinions  since  the  Reformation  as  in 

—  170  — 


UNITARIANISM 

Germany.  The  cause  of  this  freedom  is  to  be  found  in  the 
very  character  itself  of  German  philosophy,  namely  its  loyalty 
to  spiritual  truth  and  its  tendency  to  universal  comprehen 
siveness.  The  philosophical  tendency  of  the  German  mind  has 
had  a  decided  influence  on  every  department  of  learning. 
Every  branch  of  science  from  the  highest  to  the  lowest,  from 
the  works  on  religion  and  morality  to  those  of  agriculture  and 
forestry  are  characterized  by  the  same  scientific  method.  It  is 
to  this  faithful  workmanship  and  exact  painstaking  method  in 
literary  criticism  especially  that  the  excellence  of  German 
literature  is  largely  due/ 

After  this  brief  defense  of  German  philosophy  Pollen 
added  a  few  pertinent  remarks  on  the  progress  of  religious 
science  in  Germany :  'German  scholars  were  especially  pre 
eminent/  he  points  out,  'in  the  fields  of  ecclesiastical  history 
and  biblical  criticism.  Nowhere  have  the  primary  and  vital 
truths  of  divinity  been  so  fully  acknowledged  and  scientifically 
established  as  in  the  works  of  German  philosophers  and  theo 
logians  such  as  Herder  and  Jacobi.  These  men  conceive  of 
religion  not  as  a  set  of  precepts  inculcated  by  the  church  or 
the  school,  but  as  a  native  and  indistructible  principle  of  the 
heart;  and  theology  not  as  the  arbitrary  fabric  of  a  dogmatic 
and  philosophizing  imagination,  but  as  the  knowledge  of  the 
essence  and  source  of  all  reality,  the  ultimate  result  of  the 
most  thorough  study  of  nature  and  of  man.  Upon  almost 
every  doctrinal  point  there  is  a  great  variety  of  individual 
opinion,  hence  every  theological  work  published  must  be  con 
sidered  as  the  author's  own  opinion  and  not  the  statements  of 
any  select  group  of  people.  Out  of  respect  for  the  rights  of 
individual  judgment  and  for  the  spirit  of  free  inquiry  the 
public  is  inclined  to  hold  in  esteem  every  one  whose  conduct 
is  marked  by  a  sense  of  truth,  justice,  and  benevolence,  what 
ever  be  his  religious  sentiments;  hence  in  expressing  his  own 
peculiar  views,  every  one  thinks  chiefly  of  what  seems  true  to 
himself  and  not  of  what  he  may  gain  or  lose  in  society  by  a 
frank  profession  of  his  views.  This  freedom  of  thought  has 
caused  many  to  place  the  stamp  of  skepticism  upon  German 
theology,  but  unbelief  in  spiritual  realities  is  really  not  indigen- 

—  171  — 


FOLLEN  IN  AMERICA 

ous  to  the  German  mind.  Even  those  who  reject  the  historical 
facts  of  Christianity  still  embrace  its  spiritual  essence ;  hence 
they  cannot  be  classed  as  skeptics  like  the  followers  of  Hume. 
Every  German  who  has  only  a  general  acquaintance  with  the 
history  of  philosophy  and  who  listens  to  the  voices  of  the  liv 
ing  and  dead,  speaking  to  him  through  their  works,  feels  him 
self  girt  about  by  a  host  of  witnesses  to  the  reality  and  eternity 
of  things  not  seen.  If  faith  is  the  groundwork  and  if  love,  or 
a  vital  interest  in  perfection,  in  truth,  goodness,  and  beauty,  is 
the  soul  of  religion,  then  it  may  be  said  that  everyone  who  has 
enjoyed  a  German  education  has  had  his  mind  nurtured  in 
religion  and  in  it  has  lived  and  moved  and  had  his  being/ 

It  is  not  improbable  that  this  defense  of  German  theo 
logians  in  the  Inaugural  Address,  of  which  Ripley  wrote  an 
enthusiastic  review  in  the  Christian  Examiner,1  was  the  first 
inspiration  to  Ripley  for  his  defense  of  Schleiermacher  and  De 
Wette  against  the  charge  of  atheism  made  by  Professor 
Norton. 

VIEWS    ON    REUGION. 

Follen  gave  an  exposition  of  his  theory  of  the  nature  of 
religion  partly  in  his  lectures  on  moral  philosophy  and  partly 
in  a  series  of  tracts  2  published  in  1836.  In  his  attempt  to 
trace  religion  to  its  foundation  he  made  use  of  no  external 
authority,  but  appealed  only  to  such  facts  as  come  under  the 
observation  of  everyone  who,  as  he  said,  uses  his  senses  and 
reason.  He  addressed  himself  to  no  particular  class  of 
persons,  but  to  all  observing,  thinking  men  and  women  in 
general,  whether  they  regarded  religion  as  the  source  of  good 
or  of  evil,  as  a  reality  or  a  delusion,  as  a  remarkable  phenom 
enon  of  history  or  as  a  principle  implanted  in  human  nature. 
He  did  not  advocate  or  oppose  any  particular  creed  or  form  of 
worship,  for  he  was  in  full  sympathy  with  everyone  who 
refused  assent  to  any  system  of  faith  that  did  not  satisfy  the 
enquiring  mind.  While  his  reason  compelled  him  to  reject  the 

1  Vol.  XI  (1832). 

2  Given  in  Works,  V,  254-313. 

-  172  - 


UNITARIANISM 

religious  dogmas  peculiar  to  each  creed  he  had  a  deep  religious 
sympathy  for  all,  for  he  recognized  in  every  form  of  faith, 
even  in  the  fearless  freedom  of  sincere  skepticism  the  same 
vital  principle.  He  maintained  that  the  advocates  of  different 
systems  should  join  in  searching  for  this  fundamental  element 
of  religion  instead  of  fixing  upon  and  defending  against  each 
other  points  upon  which  they  disagree. 

In  answer  to  the  question  concerning  the  true  essence  of 
religion  Follen  replies1  that  it  is  a  peculiar  universal  element 
of  human  nature;  the  highest  manifestation  of  that  principle 
of  progress  which  we  observe  in  the  different  orders  of  beings 
throughout  creation.  Not  only  in  those  systems  which  are  sup 
ported  by  experience  and  sound  analogical  reasoning,  but  also 
in  those  which  are  not  consistent  with  facts  established  by  ob 
servation  and  history  Follen  sees  the  essential  tendency  of  man 
to  look  beyond  the  finite  in  search  of  the  infinite ;  and  it  is  this 
impulse  toward  perfection,  this  tendency  of  human  nature 
toward  the  infinite,  that  he  considers  the  true  substance  of  re 
ligion.  The  true  religious  principle,  as  he  expresses  it,2  may  be 
likened  to  the  science  of  astronomy  or  of  chemistry,  while  the 
different  systems  of  faith  in  which  it  is  garbed  are  as  unstable 
as  the  dreams  of  astrology  or  the  vagaries  of  alchemy.  To  use 
Pollen's  figure,  the  savage  worships  the  rolling  stone  ascribing 
its  motion  to  an  indwelling  power  which  his  credulity  has  per 
sonified,  but  the  scientist  explains  the  motion  as  the  necessary 
effect  of  gravitation.  Since  the  savage  and  the  philosopher 
worship  the  same  mysterious  power  that  is  manifest  in  the 
rolling  stone  and  in  the  system  of  rolling  worlds,  it  is  clear, 
Follen  concludes,  that  true  religion  does  not  consist  in  the 
object  of  faith,  but  in  the  principle  of  faith. 

The  true  element  of  religion  like  that  of  morality  is, 
according  to  Follen's  conception,3  the  innate  desire  of  man  for 
the  greatest  happiness,  but  this  desire,  as  he  points  out,  does 
not  identify  religion  with  morality;  it  shows  merely  that  both 

1  Ibid.,  286f . 

2  Ibid.,  V,  270f . 

3  Cf .  Lectures,  Works,  III,  225f . 

-  173  — 


FOLLEN  IN  AMERICA 

rest  upon  the  same  foundation.  Morality,  he  explains,  is  the 
direction  of  the  mind  toward  that  happiness  which  results 
from  a  striving  after  the  greatest  efficiency,  after  perfection, 
while  religion  is  the  direction  of  the  mind  toward  the  happiness 
which  results  from  the  desire  and  belief  that  the  world  is  so 
constituted  and  governed  as  to  make  possible  the  greatest 
perfection.  The  attainment  of  perfection  depends  not  only 
upon  man  himself,  upon  his  faculties  and  moral  effort,  but 
also  partly,  as  Follen  understands  it,  upon  Providence,  upon 
the  power  which  has  created  the  universe  in  such  a  way  that 
man  is  aided  in  his  striving  after  it.  Man's  desire  and  belief 
that  the  world  be  so  organized  and  directed  as  to  conform  to 
his  wants  and  needs  is  then,  according  to  Pollen's  view,  the 
foundation  of  religion,  and  from  this  desire  and  belief  pro 
ceeds  his  restless  striving  after  an  ever-enlarging  sphere  of 
existence  and  action.  Whether  a  person  believes  that  this 
providential  direction  of  the  world  is  vested  in  the  eternal  laws 
of  nature,  in  a  polytheistic  control,  or  in  one  supreme  Deity 
who  controls  the  course  of  events  in  such  a  way  as  to  enable 
man  to  form  his  own  character  and  to  become  the  author  of 
his  own  happiness  or  misery;  or  whether  he  believes  this 
providential  agency  is  independent  of  man's  effort  and  must 
be  secured  by  prayers  or  the  magic  power  of  priests, — all  these 
various  beliefs  are  only  different  forms  of  the  same  principle. 
The  moral  man,  as  Follen  explains  it,  is  like  the  husbandman 
who  expects  the  harvest  as  a  result  of  his  own  painstaking 
efforts  in  preparing  the  soil  and  sowing  the  seed;  but  the 
religious  man  recognizes  that  the  seed  sown  will  not  yield  the 
desired  harvest  unless  sunshine  and  rain  are  sent  by  the  Al 
mighty's  hand.  From  this  standpoint  religion  is  a  feeling  of 
dependence  on  God  for  physical  and  spiritual  laws  which  will 
enable  man  to  exercise  all  his  faculties  for  the  attainment  of 
divine  perfection,  and  which  will  give  free  scope  to  his  natural 
tendency  toward  the  infinite. 

On  the  whole  it  may  be  said  that  Follen  considers  religion 
not  as  theological  speculation,  not  as  belief  in  dogmas,  nor  as 
moral  actions,  but  as  a  pious  contemplation  of  the  harmonious 
workings  of  the  universe ;  as  a  natural  impulse  toward  and  a 

—  174  — 


UNITARIANISM 

reverent  feeling  of  dependence  on  the  Infinite  Spirit  in  whom 
we  live  and  move  and  have  our  being — a  view  I  quite  in  har 
mony  with  the  doctrine  of  Schleiermacher.  From  Schleier- 
macher  he  accepts  the  view  that  religion  is  an  innate  principle 
of  the  soul,  a  feeling  for  the  infinite,  a  sense  of  dependence  on 
God.  The  orthodox  party  considered  religion  as  an  abstract 
doctrine  for  the  promotion  of  morals ;  Kant  considered  morals 
as  the  basis  of  religion ;  but  Follen  like  Schleiermacher  main 
tains  that  although  religion  and  morals  are  essentially  con 
nected  and  have  a  common  foundation  in  human  nature,  they 
are  nevertheless  independent  of  each  other.  One  of  the 
greatest  merits  of  Pollen's  system  is  the  doctrine  of  the  social 
nature  of  religion.  He  considers  the  church  not  as  an  instru 
ment  for  moral  education,  but  as  an  association  of  people  seek 
ing  after  religious  truth  through  the  mutual  exchange  of 
religious  views.  Since  religious  ideas  are  reflections  of  relig 
ious  feelings,  he  believed  that  the  greater  the  variety  of  them 
the  better,  since  each  individual  is  in  this  way  more  apt  to 
find  that  which  will  satisfy  his  own  peculiar  needs. 

While  Pollen's  lectures  on  ethics  and  religion  show  the 
influence  of  Kant,  Fichte,  Schiller,  Fries  and  Schleiermacher, 
they  contain  features  also  which  demonstrate  his  originality  as 
a  thinker.  On  the  whole  they  are  a  prophecy  of  freedom  from 
beginning  to  end.  It  is  to  be  presumed,  however,  that  Follen 
did  far  more  in  his  private  conversations  and  in  his  two  years' 
instruction  in  the  Divinity  School  to  promote  a  knowledge  of 
German  philosophical  thought  than  he  was  able  to  do  in  his 
series  of  popular  lectures.  His  broad  and  liberal  interpreta 
tion  of  the  New  Testament,  his  doctrine  of  the  fatherhood  of 
God,  the  brotherhood  of  man,  moral  freedom,  the  dignity  of 
human  nature,  the  incarnation  of  God  in  humanity,  which  is 
always  progressing  toward  perfection,  toward  the  divine  life 
to  come,  must  have  made  a  deep  impression  upon  those 
students  who  were  later  to  enter  into  the  new  religious  move 
ment,  tending  to  liberate  them  from  the  bondage  of  Calvinistic 

1  Follen  was  doubtlessly  influenced  in  his  religious  views  by  Ben 
jamin  Constant's  work  on  religion  as  indicated  by  quotations  from  this 
work  in  Works,  III,  229f.,  and  V,  255.  In  the  American  Quarterly  Re 
view  (March,  1832)  he  gave  a  lengthy  exposition  of  Constant's  work. 

—  175  — 


FOLLEN  IN  AMERICA 

theology  and  to  inspire  them  with  a  sense  of  inner  freedom. 
In  his  eulogy  on  Follen,  W.  H.  Channing,  one  of  the  notable 
Transcendentalists,  speaks  as  follows  1  concerning  his  influence 
upon  Harvard  students :  "It  may  be  safely  said  that  no  young 
man  ever  passed  through  his  classes  without  imbibing  as  by 
moral  contagion,  self-respect,  honorable  ambition,  and  cour 
tesy.  To  many  he  gave  the  key  to  the  richest  tongue  of  modern 
times,  and  awakened  a  desire  to  explore  and  work  the  virgin 
mines  of  thought  and  feeling  which  that  language  opened  up 
to  them."  Thus  Follen  was  able  to  contribute  in  some  measure 
to  the  preparation  of  the  soil  from  which  was  to  spring  the 
religious  movement  of  which  he  had  vaguely  dreamed. 

In  addition  to  his  lectures  on  Ethics  and  Religion  Follen 
gave  publicity  to  his  religious  thought  through  the  medium  of 
the  Christian  Teacher's  Manual 2  also,  one  of  the  first  Sunday 
School  publications  in  New  England.  Although  the  articles  in 
the  Manual  are  all  anonymous,  there  is  both  external  and  in 
ternal  evidence  that  Follen  was  the  author  of  many  of  them. 
The  preface  of  the  first  volume,  written  by  Follen,3  states  that 
the  aim  of  the  Manual  is  to  assist  both  teachers  and  parents  in 
their  duties  as  religious  instructors  by  providing  them  with 
such  material  and  views  as  they  might  not  otherwise  be  able 
to  procure.  Exchange  of  views,  mutual  cooperation  for  the 
discovery  of  knowledge,  as  Follen  learned  from  Schiller,  was 
the  main  object.  Follen  points  out  here  that  former  attempts 
at  religious  instruction  had  not  been  accomodated  to  the  minds 
of  children,  and  that  much  light  was  needed  on  a  subject  so 
important  to  the  young  and  to  the  interests  of  society.  He 
wished  to  see  religious  feeling  awakened  in  the  church  with 
all  dogmatic  views  excluded.  He  advocated  that  the  material 
for  religious  instruction  should  be  taken  chiefly  from  the 
works  of  God.  His  method  was  to  lead  the  minds  of  the 
children  to  a  knowledge  and  love  of  the  universal  Father  by  a 
study  of  the  order  and  beauty  of  Nature.  His  aim  was  here 

1  Christian  Examiner,  XXXIII,  52ff. 

2  Edited  by  Mrs.  Follen,  Boston,  April,  1828— April,  1830. 

3  Cf .  Pollen's  diary,  Works,  I,  240. 

—  176  — 


UNITARIANISM 

as  in  his  lectures  to  show  that  religion  and  morals  are  closely 
connected;  to  make  the  teachers  realize  and  through  them  to 
make  the  children  feel  that  every  time  they  were  faithful  to 
what  is  considered  duty,  every  time  they  had  a  generous 
thought,  every  time  they  denied  themselves  anything  from  an 
idea  of  right,  every  time  they  obeyed  conscience  they  pleased 
and  obeyed  God.  Harangues  on  duty  and  explanation  of 
scriptures,  he  emphasizes,  have  little  effect  on  character  or  in 
calling  forth  religious  feeling,  but  it  is  the  incipient  whispers 
of  conscience  that  must  be  held  as  laws  of  conduct. 

In  various  articles  upon  such  questions  as  the  subject- 
matter  of  lessons,  the  method  to  be  pursued,  requisites  of 
religious  teachers,  lessons  on  the  mind,  the  use  and  authority 
of  reason  in  religious  instruction,  etc.,  Pollen  addressed  him 
self  to  the  Sunday  School  teachers,  advocating  the  Pestaloz- 
zian  principles  of  education,  the  Kantian  and  Fichtean  systems 
of  ethics,  and  Schleiermacher's  doctrines  of  religion.  It  is  not 
too  much  to  presume  that  in  this  way  he  gave  to  a  class  of 
people  outside  of  academic  circles  some  insight  at  least  into 
German  thought.  There  are  also  in  the  Manual  sketches  of 
Herder's,  Luther's,  and  Claudius'  writings,  which  quite  prob 
ably  came  from  Pollen's  pen. 

CHARACTER   AND   INFLUENCE   AS   A   PREACHER. 

Prom  his  youth  Pollen,  as  we  have  seen,  had  taken  the 
deepest  interest  in  questions  pertaining  to  religion  and  morals, 
and  his  whole  education  had  fitted  him  to  become  a  religious 
teacher.  With  a  heart  full  of  love  for  humanity  he  was  not 
content  to  devote  his  entire  energy  to  the  teaching  of  language 
and  literature  in  Harvard,  but  desired  a  still  broader  sphere  of 
influence  in  which  to  instruct  his  fellow  men  in  the  more 
momentous  truths  concerning  the  nature  and  destiny  of  man. 
This  was  his  reason  for  entering  the  ministry. 

In  his  loving  contemplation  of  the  wondrous  harmony  of 
the  universe  he  recognized  the  essential  relation  of  man  to  the 
external  world.  Thus  impressed  with  the  dignity  of  human 
nature  he  not  only  reverenced  the  divinity  of  his  own  soul,  but 

-  177  — 


FOLLEN  IN  AMERICA 

was  inspired  with  a  deep  love  for  all  mankind  because  he  con 
sidered  them  the  children  of  God.  The  nobility  and  immortal 
ity  of  the  human  soul  was  the  central  thought  of  his  whole 
philosophic  and  religious  interest;  and  the  conception  of  man 
as  a  free  moral  agent,  created  to  attain  perfection,  was  the 
guiding  principle  of  all  his  thinking  as  well  as  the  abiding 
doctrine  of  his  whole  life.  The  emphasis  which  he  placed  upon 
the  inherent  nobility  of  human  nature  and  the  inalienable  rights 
of  the  soul  to  free  development  toward  perfection  was  in  direct 
opposition  to  Calvinistic  theology.  In  his  extreme  religious 
individualism  he  placed  more  confidence  in  truth  as  expressed 
by  the  conscience  of  the  individual  than  in  any  external  author 
ity  ;  hence  he  believed  that  the  free  spirit  of  man  should  not  be 
bound  by  tradition,  but  that  all  dogmas  and  theories,  whether 
social,  political,  or  religious,  should  be  tested  by  human  reason 
and  sentiment  alone.  He  taught  men  to  look  at  the  world  as 
it  is  without  reference  to  dogmas  and  creeds;  to  see  beauty 
everywhere ;  to  seek  God  in  nature  and  in  their  own  souls ;  to 
make  a  heaven  on  earth,  and  to  think  of  immortality  as  begin 
ning  here  and  now.  This  was  a  new  way  of  looking  at  life,  a 
new  faith,  a  new  religious  belief  quite  different  from  the 
formalism  and  moralizing  that  gave  the  religious  life  of  the 
time  its  chief  stamp. 

The  purpose  of  the  Christian  ministry,  as  he  conceived  it,  * 
is  not  to  develop  the  religious  character  of  men,  but  merely  to 
aid  them  in  its  formation  and  to  stimulate  them  in  increasing 
their  own  exertions  and  responsibilities.  To  this  end  he  ap 
plied  himself  diligently  to  the  study  of  nature,  theology,  the 
Bible,  and  the  life  of  Christ  for  the  acquisition  of  exalting 
truth.  He  looked  upon  nature,  especially  human  nature,  as  a 
temple  of  religious  truth  and  used  the  Bible  as  a  key  to  de 
cipher  the  teachings  inscribed  upon  its  walls.  His  was  no  time 
serving  ministry.  In  his  public  services  he  spoke  the  truth  as 
he  felt  it  in  his  heart,  and  delivered  his  message  as  if  he  be 
lieved  in  its  infinite  importance.  The  main  characteristic  of 
his  preaching  was  complete  independence  in  thought  and  ex- 

i  Works,  I,  494f. 

—  178  — 


UNITARIANISM 

pression.  He  was  guided  not  by  the  likes  and  dislikes  of  his 
hearers,  but  by  the  consideration  of  what  he  deemed  important 
for  the  formation  of  their  religious  character.  A  fearless, 
manly  character,  he  gave  clear  and  powerful  expression  to 
whatever  he  apprehended  as  truth,  whether  his  hearers  could 
accept  it  or  not,  confessing  his  doubts  and  beliefs  regardless  of 
the  prejudices  and  opinions  of  his  audience,  often  at  the  risk 
of  his  popularity  and  office.  He  was  undaunted  by  the  author 
ity  of  any  man;  and  although  he  had  the  greatest  respect  for 
the  views  of  others,  no  consideration  could  restrain  him  from 
opposing  firmly  though  courteously  any  traditional  opinion 
which  he  conscientiously  believed  contrary  to  truth  and  justice, 
whether  advocated  by  friend  or  foe.  In  order  to  make  the 
broadest  appeal  he  adapted  his  arguments  to  the  capacities  and 
wants  of  all,  saint  and  sinner,  believer  or  skeptic.  Pollen  was 
a  practical  exponent  of  the  views  which  he  held  concerning  the 
duties  of  a  Christian  minister.  He  was  actuated  by  a  desire 
not  merely  to  impart  knowledge,  but  to  unite  his  fellow  men  by 
a  bond  of  love  and  fellowship ;  to  make  them  feel  that  religion 
was  not  a  mere  speculation,  but  a  living  reality.  In  his  private 
intercourse  he  was  a  man  among  men.  As  a  spiritual  guide 
he  quickened  the  religious  life  of  his  people  as  much  by  his 
friendly  social  intercourse  as  by  his  intellectual  powers,  enter 
ing  sympathetically  into  all  their  joys  and  sorrows,  visiting  the 
sick  and  afflicted  and  administering  to  the  poor  and  needy.  It 
was  this  genuine  respect  and  love  for  men  that  made  him  so 
influential  as  a  minister  of  the  Gospel. 

As  a  religious  teacher  Follen  no  doubt  reached  the  climax 
of  his  influence  during  his  ministry  in  New  York.  Besides 
his  regular  pastoral  duties  he  gave  his  attention  to  all  phil 
anthropic  enterprises  and  cooperated  heartily  with  all  bene 
volent  associations  so  far  as  they  appealed  to  his  conscience. 
He  gave  also  several  courses  of  lectures  on  Unitarianism, 
another  on  the  Domestic  and  Social  Relations,  one  on  German 
literature,  and  before  the  Brooklyn  Lyceum  a  discourse  upon 
Republicanism  and  Slavery.1  These  lectures  made  a  deep  im- 

i  Cf.  Works,  I,  462,  481,  473. 

—  179  — 


FOLLEN  IN  AMERICA 

pression  upon  the  intellectual  circles  of  New  York,  and  they 
received  such  favorable  comment  in  the  papers  that  he  was 
invited  to  deliver  the  course  on  Unitarianism  in  Washington. 
This  he  did,  preaching  with  such  power  and  eloquence  that  he 
was  offered  the  pastorate  of  the  Unitarian  Society  in  that  city. 
But  one  of  the  greatest  services  that  he  rendered  to  the  cause 
of  liberal  Christianity  was  to  deliver  a  series  of  lectures1  on 
the  subject  of  Infidelity.  As  already  noted,  there  was  in  New 
England  at  the  beginning  of  the  nineteenth  century  a  general 
tendency  to  skepticism.  This  moral  revolt  against  the  spiritual 
bondage  which  the  harsher  features  of  Calvinism  had  imposed 
upon  the  minds  of  reasonable  men  was  especially  pronounced 
in  New  York,  while  Thomas  Paine's  "Age  of  Reason"  and 
Fanny  Wright's  lectures  had  tended  also  to  breed  a  spirit  of 
general  unbelief  in  all  religious  values.  In  his  youth  Pollen 
had  passed  triumphantly  through  this  same  experience  and 
knew  how  to  sympathize  with  men  who  were  struggling  with 
doubts  and  unbelief.  Imbued  with  a  love  of  free  and  inde 
pendent  thought  and  desirous  of  aiding  his  fellow  men  in  their 
progress  toward  perfection,  he  eagerly  grasped  this  opportun 
ity  to  present  his  views  on  religion  and  at  the  same  time  do 
justice  to  the  so-called  infidels.  He  knew  that  skepticism 
usually  grows  out  of  an  earnest  desire  to  be  assured  of  the 
rational  foundations  of  faith;  therefore  he  maintained  that  it 
is  as  unjust  to  accuse  a  man  of  willful  unbelief  as  to  accuse  a 
man  of  dishonesty,  who,  in  casting  up  an  account,  makes  an 
error  disadvantageous  to  himself.  He  believed  that  honest 
skepticism  must  of  necessity  precede  a  reasonable  faith;  that 
both  the  individual  and  society  can  make  intellectual  and  spirit 
ual  progress  only  by  a  free  exchange  of  thought  and  a  mutual 
confession  of  doubt.2 

In  the  course  of  these  lectures,  as  excerpts  in  his  works 
show,  he  gave  a  discussion  of  the  English  Deists,  the  French 
Encyclopaedists,  Thomas  Paine,  and  Fanny  Wright,  pointing 
out  what  he  considered  the  false  grounds  and  inconsistencies 

1  Excerpts  of  these  lectures  are  given  in  Works,  I,  445ff. 

2  Ibid.,  I,  446. 

—  180  — 


UNITARIANISM 

upon  which  unbelievers  base  their  arguments,  and  from  pass 
ages  in  the  "Age  of  Reason"  proving  to  his  own  satisfaction 
that  even  Thomas  Paine  believed  in  God  and  immortality.  He 
maintained  that  it  is  not  only  a  duty  but  also  advantageous  to 
the  unbeliever  to  examine  the  objections  to  Christianity,  for 
any  difficulty  left  unexamined  would  lead  to  doubt,  whereas 
careful  investigation  might  lead  to  conviction.  Since  his  own 
belief  in  the  divine  truth  of  the  Gospel  had  been  promoted  by 
studying  the  books  written  against  it,  he  believed  that  a  free 
and  fair  investigation  of  Christianity  would  open  up  an  infinite 
sphere  to  free  inquiry  and  thereby  lead  to  a  true  and  abiding 
faith.  He  characterized  Christianity  as  a  sublime  philosophy 
adapted  to  the  understanding  of  the  child  yet  transcending  the 
wisdom  of  the  sage ;  as  a  system  whose  scientific  character 
makes  it  one  of  the  most  efficient  checks  to  imposition  and 
blind  credulity,  and  which  should  therefore  neither  be  adopted 
nor  rejected  without  earnest  mental  effort.  The  fact  that  the 
Bible  teaches  immortality,  he  says,  *  is  no  reason  why  one 
should  not  seek  other  evidence  of  this  doctrine,  for  God  has 
endowed  man  with  an  infinite  desire  to  extend  his  knowledge, 
and  unless  he  makes  use  of  his  intellect  he  can  never  feel  that 
there  is  no  reason  for  doubting.  Pollen  told  his  audiences 
plainly  that  he  could  see  no  irreverence  in  questioning  the  doc 
trine  of  the  Gospel,  for  to  him  it  seemed  that  there  could  be 
no  basis  for  an  abiding  belief  in  its  truth  unless  its  fundamental 
teachings  could  stand  the  test  of  reason;  unless  its  principles 
could  be  considered  a  subject  of  free  interpretation  rather  than 
a  mere  matter  of  fact  and  history.  The  Bible,  he  maintained,2 
gives  us  only  the  means  of  arriving  at  truth,  not  truth  itself, 
for  "Man  finds  the  law  and  the  prophets  in  his  own  soul." 

In  these  lectures  Follen  gave  such  a  liberal  and  reasonable 
interpretation  of  the  Bible  and  Christianity,  and  was  so  fair  in 
his  treatment  of  the  skeptics,  that  many  of  them  were  made  to 
see  that  they  had  been  at  variance  not  with  religion,  but  with 
Calvinistic  theology,  and  were  thus  converted  to  the  cause  of 

1  Ibid.,  I,  448. 

2  Ibid.,  I,  449. 

-  181  — 


POLLEN  IN  AMERICA 

liberal  Christianity.  The  general  effect  of  these  lectures  was 
so  far-reaching  that  a  movement  was  soon  set  on  foot  to 
establish  a  great  free  church  in  New  York  with  Follen  as  its 
pastor.1  It  was  one  of  Pollen's  fondest  hopes  to  found  a 
church  upon  what  he  considered  the  true  Christian  principle: 
that  of  universal  brotherhood;  a  church  whose  doors  should 
be  open  alike  to  Jew  and  Gentile,  to  believers  and  unbelievers, 
— to  all  whose  creed  was  toleration  and  universal  love,  to  all 
who  were  in  search  of  truth.  His  object  was  to  introduce  a 
more  truly  social  worship  and  to  have  the  whole  congregation 
enter  into  all  devotional  exercises.  He  wished  also  to  place 
women  on  an  equality  with  men,  and  to  encourage  everyone 
to  speak  from  the  pulpit  according  to  his  or  her  gifts.  For  a 
time  it  seemed  probable  that  the  project  would  be  carried  out, 
but  for  want  of  sufficient  encouragement  it  finally  came  to 
naught. 

The  last  two  years  of  Pollen's  ministry  were  spent  in  and 
near  Boston.  Here  he  repeated  his  lectures  on  Infidelity,  and 
on  two  different  occasions  delivered  a  series  of  lectures  on  the 
history  of  Pantheism.  The  question  of  the  relation  between 
God  and  the  world, — whether  there  is  a  God  of  nature  or 
whether  nature  is  God,  was  a  subject  to  which  he  had  devoted 
years  of  faithful  study.  Although  he  was  hardly  in  sympathy 
with  the  pantheistic  tendency  of  the  new  school  of  theology, 
with  which  he  fully  identified  himself,  he  believed  that  a  fair 
discussion  of  the  subject  would  be  a  real  aid  to  the  cause  of 
true  religion.  During  these  two  years  he  took  part  also  in  the 
meetings  of  the  Transcendental  Club  as  indicated  by  the  fol 
lowing  extract  from  a  letter  2  to  Miss  Martineau  in  December, 
1838 :  "I  have  lately  attended  a  meeting  of  some  of  the  leaders 
of  the  new  school  of  Unitarians.  A  clear  determination  to 
break  loose  from  the  Unitarian  orthodoxy,  and  a  vague  con 
ception  of  something  greater  and  better  with  marked  individ 
uality  of  opinion  and  mutual  respect,  characterized  the  dis 
cussion."  He  made  another  effort  also  to  carry  out  his  plan 

1  Cf.  Works,  I,  496. 

2  Ibid,  I,  506. 

-  182  — 


UNITARIANISM 

for  a  free  church  on  broad,  unsectarian  principles,  but  the  time 
was  not  yet  ripe  for  the  full  realization  of  the  projected  re 
ligious  reform  which  hovered  before  his  eyes. 

At  the  beginning  of  his  ministry  Follen  carefully  wrote 
out  his  sermons,  but  gradually  discarded  this  practice,  some 
times  writing  them  out  in  part,  again  writing  only  an  outline, 
and  often  preaching  entirely  extempore.  He  did  not  move  his 
audience  by  a  passionate  appeal,  but  held  their  attention  by  his 
earnestness,  logic,  and  wealth  of  profound  thoughts. *  By 
many  he  was  considered  metaphysical  and  abstract,  and  those 
who  did  not  attempt  to  follow  his  train  of  reasoning  called  his 
sermons  uninteresting.  A  perusal  of  his  printed  sermons  bears 
out  the  statement  of  his  biographer  that  the  thought  which  he 
put  into  one  discourse  was  sufficient  to  furnish  the  ordinary 
preacher  with  material  for  a  dozen  sermons.  The  clearness 
with  which  he  sought  to  unfold  his  subject  sometimes  made 
the  statement  of  his  thoughts  dry,  but  his  manner  was  always 
eloquent.  Dr.  Peabody,2  who  often  heard  him  preach,  char 
acterizes  his  sermons  as  "instructive  and  impressive,  weighty 
in  thought,  full  fraught  with  devotional  feeling,  written  in  a 
style  both  full  and  simple,  and  delivered  with  solemnity  and 
earnestness  though  without  oratorical  adornment."  W.  H. 
Channing  3  considered  him  most  successful  in  his  extempore 
addresses,  characterizing  him  in  the  following  words :  "The 
thought  seemed  to  pour  from  deep  inward  stores  in  language 
made  fluent  by  his  fervor;  accordingly  great  beauty  of  fancy 
played  over  the  surface  of  his  arguments."  As  he  gained  in 
experience  he  became  less  abstruse,  holding  the  interest  of  his 
hearer  by  his  direct  personal  appeal.  He  never  dogmatized, 
but  made  the  reason  and  conscience  of  the  individual  stand  at 

1  Cf.  Letter  of  Rev.  George  F.  Simmons  in  Sprague's  Annals,  VIII, 
544. 

2  Harvard  Reminiscences,  121;  Peabody  remarks  also  that  Pollen's 
failure  to  pronounce  the  th-sound  was  the  only  peculiarity  of  utterance 
,that  would  have  betrayed  him  as  a  foreigner ;  that  his  use  of  English 
'was  as  free  from  solecisms  and  inaccuracies  as  if  it  had  been  his  ver 
nacular. 

3  Christian  Examiner,  XXXIII,  53f. 

-  183  — 


POLLEN   IN  AMERICA 

the  bar  in  witness  of  the  truths  he  proclaimed.  He  aroused 
men  to  do  themselves  justice  and  to  learn  the  wealth  of  their 
own  experience.  "No  one  can  have  listened  to  his  preaching," 
says  James  Freeman  Clarke,1  "without  honoring  the  man  and 
feeling  the  power  of  the  truth,  which  he  dispensed  so  much 
according  to  the  spirit."  The  clear,  chaste  style,  the  interest 
ing  subject  matter,  and  the  deep  moral  earnestness  of  his  dis 
courses  caused  Judge  Cranch  of  Washington  to  speak  of  him 
as  a  perfect  model  of  pulpit  eloquence.2  The  few  sermons 
which  he  committed  to  writing  form  one  volume  of  his  pub 
lished  works.  These  showr  a  wide  range  of  subjects  with 
abundant  illustrations  drawn  from  common  life,  and  are  writ 
ten  in  a  style  of  pungent  directness  and  unaffected  pathos.  The 
one  golden  note  which  rings  throughout  every  discourse,  the 
one  theme  on  which  Pollen  loves  to  dwell,  is  that  of  Freedom 
and  Immortality , — the  tendency  of  the  human  mind  to  infinite 
progress  and  its  capability  of  approaching  continuously, 
through  moral  action  and  religious  feeling,  to  divine  perfection. 


Although  Riley  seems  inclined  to  believe  that  the  views  of 
Emerson,  the  chief  representative  of  Transcendental  thought 
in  America,  were  for  the  most  part  original,  he  speaks  never 
theless  about  the  transcendental  movement  as  a  whole  as 
follows  :3  "It  may  safely  be  said  that  the  German  influence 
on  American  thought  has  been  the  most  significant  and  the 
most  weighty  of  all  foreign  forces.  This  is  due  in  large 
measure  to  the  after  effect  of  that  great  epoch  of  German 
humanism  systematized  by  the  names  of  Goethe  and  Kant, 
Schiller  and  Fichte.  The  very  substance  of  the  life-work  of 
these  men  and  their  company  consisted  in  this,  that  they  re 
placed  the  ecclesiastical  doctrine  of  atonement  by  the  belief  in 
the  saving  quality  of  restless  striving.  *  *  *  They  trusted  in 
the  essential  goodness  of  all  life;  they  conceived  of  the  uni- 

1  Western  Messenger,  October,  1836. 

2  Works,  I,  444. 

8  American  Thought,  229ff. 

—  184  — 


UNITARIANISM 

verse  as  a  spiritual  being,  engaged  in  constant  self-revelation 
and  in  a  constant  struggle  toward  higher  forms  of  existence." 
The  discussion  in  the  foregoing  pages  is  an  attempt  to  show  in 
some  measure  that  this  was  the  very  doctrine  that  Pollen 
brought  with  him  from  Germany  in  1824,  and  which  he  pro 
claimed  on  every  occasion,  both  in  his  teaching  and  preaching, 
in  public  and  in  private,  in  his  intercourse  with  the  learned  men 
of  Boston  and  with  the  Harvard  students  who  were  later  to 
become  the  leaders  of  the  new  movement. 

Upon  its  introduction  into  New  England,  as  Frothingham 
testifies,  the  transcendental  philosophy  took  root  and  blos 
somed  out  in  every  form  of  social  life,  becoming  thus  a  highly 
important  factor  in  shaping  our  national  life.  To  use  his  exact 
words:1  "It  affected  thinkers,  swayed  politicians,  guided 
moralists,  inspired  philanthropists,  created  reformers.  The 
moral  enthusiasm  which  broke  out  with  such  prodigious  power 
in  the  holy  war  against  slavery;  which  uttered  such  earnest 
protests  against  capital  punishment,  and  the  wrongs  inflicted 
on  women ;  which  made  such  passionate  pleading  in  behalf  of 
the  weak,  the  injured,  the  disfranchised  of  every  race  and 
condition ;  which  exalted  humanity  above  institutions,  and  pro 
claimed  the  inherent  worth  of  men, — owed,  in  larger  measure 
than  is  suspected,  its  glow  and  force  to  the  Transcendent- 
alists." 

If  the  views  of  such  writers  as  Frothingham  and  Riley 
are  correct;  if  New  England  Transcendentalism  was  a  new 
way  of  looking  at  the  world  and  the  facts  of  human  existence; 
if  it  was  a  call  for  immediate  application  of  ideas  to  life ;  and 
especially  if  it  owed  its  origin,  in  some  measure,  to  German 
thought;  then  as  one  of  the  earliest  interpreters  of  German 
romantic  literature  and  the  German  systems  of  philosophy  in 
this  country,  and  as  an  active  leader  in  the  important  reform 
movements  of  the  time  Follen  was  not  only  from  the  meta 
physical  but  also  from  the  practical  standpoint  at  least  a  har 
binger  if  not  one  of  the  earliest  pioneers  of  the  movement. 

1  Transcendentalism  in  New  England,  Preface  Vf. 
—  185  — 


CHAPTER  III. 
HIS  ANTISLAVERY  ACTIVITY. 

It  is  one  of  the  characteristics  of  the  philosophy,  of  which 
Pollen  as  the  representative  of  German  literature  became  the 
interpreter,  that  it  did  not  resign  itself  to  the  mere  establish 
ment  of  abstract  systems,  but  that  it  strove  to  carry  its  message 
into  actual  life.  This  is  true  especially  of  the  philosophy  of 
Fichte,  which  placed  the  greatest  emphasis  upon  the  will  and 
the  deed.  "Alles  Hohere,"  says  Fichte,1  "muss  eingreifen  wol- 
len  auf  seine  Weise  in  die  unmittelbare  Gegenwart  und  wer 
wahrhaitig  in  jenem  (Hoheren)  lebt,  lebt  zugleich  auch  in  der 
letzteren."  Like  Fichte,  his  teacher  and  model,  Follen  believed 
that  the  knowledge  of  the  true  scholar  consists  in  visions  of 
a  spiritual  world  that  does  not  yet  exist,  in  pictures  of  a  world 
that  is  to  be  realized  by  man's  actions.  It  is  from  this  point 
of  view  that  we  can  understand  his  active  interest  in  the 
political  affairs  of  this  country,  and  the  motives  which  impelled 
him  to  enter  into  the  antislavery  movement. 

After  landing  in  this  country  Follen  became  at  once  a 
keen  observer  of  our  national  life.  Although  he  was  pleased 
with  the  general  atmosphere  of  democracy,  he  gradually  be 
came  impressed  more  and  more  with  what  he  considered  a 
striking  contrast  between  our  republican  institutions  and  our 
habits  of  thought.2  On  the  one  hand  the  American  people 
professed  to  believe  in  freedom  and  independence  in  spiritual 
matters,  yet  the  partisan  spirit  in  religion  and  politics  often 
made  public  opinion  extremely  tyrannical;  on  the  other  hand, 
in  liberty  and  equality,  yet  they  held  millions  of  human  beings 
in  physical  bondage.  Like  the  forty-eighters  a  quarter  of  a 
century  later  Follen  felt  that  this  republic  fell  short  of  the 
political  Utopia  he  had  imagined  it.  With  prophetic  vision  he 
saw  that  if  America  was  to  realize  the  high  ideals  of  the 

1  12th  Address  to  the  German  Nation,  Samtliche  Werke,  VII, 447. 

2  Address  on  the  Cause  of  Freedom  in  our   Country,   Quarterly 
Anti-Slavery  Magazine,  October,  1836 ;  also  Works,  I,  478 ;  cf .  also  his 
letter  to  Dr.  Bowring,  Works,  I,  335ff. 

-  186  — 


ANTISLAVERY 

founders  of  the  republic,  if  it  was  to  become  the  hope  of  the 
world,  liberty  and  equality,  both  spiritual  and  physical,  would 
have  to  become  a  fact  as  well  as  a  theory.  Despite  these  in 
consistencies,  however,  he  did  not  lose  faith  in  democratic 
principles,  but  dedicated  himself  anew  to  the  cause  of  freedom 
and  stood  ready  to  struggle  and  suffer  if  necessary  in  opposing 
the  same  principles  that  had  driven  him  from  his  native  land. 
The  part  which  he  took  in  the  intellectual  regeneration  of  this 
country  has  been  recounted.  The  role  which  he  played  in  the 
movement  for  the  abolition  of  chattel  slavery  will  be  the  theme 
of  the  following  pages. 

It  is  a  well-known  historical  fact  that  there  was  a  strong 
current  of  opposition  to  the  institution  of  slavery  during  the 
colonial  period  of  our  history,  especially  by  the  Quakers  of 
Pennsylvania  j1  and  the  Declaration  of  Independence  embody 
ing  the  political  philosophy  of  the  18th  century  concerning  the 
natural  rights  of  man  gave  a  still  greater  impulse  to  the  anti- 
slavery  sentiment.2  Impressed  by  the  inconsistency  of  waging 
a  heroic  war  for  emancipation  from  despotic  foreign  rule  while 
holding  in  bondage  a  half  million  slaves,  the  Revolutionary 
fathers  sought  to  check  the  encroachment  of  a  system  which 
made  merchandise  out  of  human  beings.  For  a  quarter  of  a 
century  thereafter  philanthropic  men  in  the  South  as  well  as 
in  the  North  carried  on  an  antislavery  propaganda,  organizing 
societies  for  improving  the  condition  of  the  slaves  as  well  as 
for  bringing  about  their  freedom ;  and  during  the  same  period 
several  New  England  states  abolished  slavery  by  constitutional 
provisions  while  some  of  the  middle  states  enacted  measures 
for  gradual  emancipation.3 

As  early  as  1776  it  was  discovered  at  the  drafting  of  the 
Declaration  of  Independence  that  the  North  and  South  were 
already  at  odds  over  slavery,4  and  this  disagreement  became 
still  more  evident  in  the  Constitional  Convention  of  1787  as 

1  Goodell,  Slavery  and  Antislavery,  35ff. 

2  Ibid.,  69ff. 

3  Ibid.,  99ff. 

4  See  note  No.  1  on  page  188. 

—  187  — 


FOLLEN  IN  AMERICA 

shown  by  a  compromise  concerning  the  representation  of  the 
slaves  on  a  two-thirds  ratio  in  the  House  of  Representatives.2 
Not  only  did  the  people  assume,  perhaps  correctly,  that  the 
Constitution  tacitly  recognized  slavery  as  a  legal  institution, 
but  the  products  of  slave  labor  were  beginning  to  pour  such 
a  stream  of  gold  into  the  coffers  of  the  northern  merchants 
and  manufacturers  that  the  question  of  abolition  gradually 
came  to  be  regarded  as  a  subject  too  dangerous  to  be  dis 
cussed.  Owing  to  the  belief  also  that  slavery  would  gradually 
be  subverted  after  the  prohibition  of  the  foreign  slave-trade, 
the  early  abolition  propaganda  subsided  to  a  great  extent.3 
For  a  short  time  the  Missouri  controversy  of  1820  again 
aroused  serious  thought  on  the  subject,  but  Clay's  compromise 
lulled  the  people  into  such  a  state  of  acquiescence,  and  the 
Colonization  project  drew  their  attention  from  the  main  issue 
to  such  an  extent  that  by  the  close  of  another  decade  neither 
the  pulpit  nor  the  press  made  more  than  an  occasional  allusion 
to  the  subject.4 

In  spite  of  this  lethargy  of  public  opinion,  however,  the 
antislavery  sentiment  was  kept  alive  by  a  number  of  earnest 
men  both  in  the  free  and  in  the  slave  states.  Among  these  is 
to  be  mentioned  especially  the  New  Jersey  Quaker,  Benjamin 
L,undy,  who  as  early  as  1815  was  traveling  up  and  down  the 
country  from  one  state  to  another  speaking  against  slavery 
and  organizing  antislavery  societies.5  L,undy  founded  also  an 
antislavery  paper,  "The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation," 
which  he  published  successively  in  several  different  cities,  and 
finally  in  Baltimore.  In  1828  he  was  attracted  by  the  anti- 
slavery  writings  of  William  Lloyd  Garrison,  then  a  young  man 
23  years  of  age,  who  was  publishing  a  newspaper  in  Benning- 

1  von  Hoist,  Constitutional  History  of  the  U.  S.f  I,  282. 

2  Hart,  Slavery  and  Abolition,  155. 

3  May,  Recollections  of  the  Antislavery  Conflict,  6. 

4  Hart,  165f. 

5  May,  llff. 

—  188  — 


ANTISLAVERY 

ton,  Vermont,  and  in  the  following  year  persuaded  him  to  come 
to  Baltimore  to  assist  him  in  editing  the  "Genius",  "thus  put 
ting  the  burning  torch  into  the  hands  of  the  man  raised  up  by 
Providence  to  lead  the  new  crusade  against  the  slave  power."  1 
The  first  hand  knowledge  of  slavery  which  Garrison  gained 
in  the  slave  market  of  Baltimore  convinced  him  that  it  should 
be  abolished  immediately  and  unconditionally.  With  this  pro 
gram  in  view  he  returned  to  Boston  and  on  New  Years  day, 
1831,  issued  the  first  number  of  the  Liberator, — an  event  which 
is  usually  regarded  as  the  beginning  of  the  so-called  Garri- 
sonian  Abolition  propaganda. 

Although  slavery  no  longer  existed  in  New  England  the 
slave  power  had  thoroughly  intrenched  itself  in  commercial 
affairs,  and  the  proslavery  sentiment  had  become  almost  uni 
versal  in  political,  ecclesiastical,  academic,  and  social  circles. 
Consequently  when  the  Liberator  appeared  with  its  radical 
doctrine  of  immediate  abolition  an  angry  protest  went  up  from 
the  South,  and  the  northern  business  men,  yielding  to  these  ap 
peals,  decried  the  antislavery  commotion  as  a  dangerous  con 
spiracy.  The  pulpit  and  the  press  also  denounced  it  as  un 
constitutional  and  revolutionary,  branding  Garrison  as  a 
fanatic  and  heaping  the  grossest  insults  upon  him.  Encouraged 
by  its  northern  sympathizers  the  South  demanded  that  the 
Liberator  should  be  suppressed  by  law,  and  one  state  went 
so  far  as  to  offer  a  large  reward  to  any  one  who  wouM  abduct 
its  editor  and  bring  him  to  trial  under  the  laws  of  that  state.2 
But,  to  use  the  words  of  Pollen,3  "it  was  then  that  the  voice  of 
one  crying  in  the  wilderness,  waxing  louder  and  louder  in  the 
general  indifference,  found  a  response  in  a  few  hearts.  A 
small  number  of  men,  citizens  of  Boston,  determined  to  join 
in  the  devoted  labors  and  to  share  the  contumely  and  detesta 
tion  that  fastened  upon  the  disinterested  and  uncompromising 
efforts  of  the  obscure  printer,  who  had  dared  to  take  upon  him 
self  openly  the  office  of  a  servant  of  servants." 

1  Johnson,  William  Lloyd  Garrison  and  His  Times,  22. 

2  May,  33. 

3  Christian  Examiner,  XXIII,  232. 

—  189  — 


FOLLEN  IN  AMERICA 

In  January,  1832,  this  small  group  of  men  formed  in 
Boston  the  first  Antislavery  Society  in  New  England.  From 
this  association  the  movement  spread  so  rapidly  that  in  re 
sponse  to  a  demand  for  a  national  organization  delegates  from 
ten  different  states  founded  at  Philadelphia  in  December,  1833, 
the  American  Antislavery  Society,  which  maintained  in  its 
declaration  of  principles  that  all  men  are  created  equal;  that 
slavery  is  a  crime  against  human  nature ;  and  that  it  should 
be  immediately  and  unconditionally  abolished  without  compen 
sation  to  the  slaveholders.1 

HIS  ESPOUSAL  OF  THE:  CAUSE:. 

In  the  great  slavery  conflict  various  arguments  were 
advanced  for  and  against  slavery, — moral,  religious,  econom 
ical,  and  political,  but  Pollen  based  his  arguments  upon  strictly 
philosophical  principles,  upon  Kant's  and  Fichte's  doctrine  of 
man's  right  to  self-determination.  He  began  his  antislavery 
propaganda  in  this  country  in  his  popular  lectures  on  moral 
philosophy,  which  he  delivered  at  Boston  in  1830.  The  course 
of  reasoning  which  he  pursued  may  be  briefly  stated  as  fol 
lows  : 2  Man  is  a  free  moral  agent  created  to  develop  toward 
infinite  perfection.  He  is  entitled  by  nature  to  such  a  mode  of 
existence  and  action  as  is  conducive  to  his  happiness,  to  a 
sphere  of  freedom  in  which  he  can  unfold  and  exercise  all  his 
faculties.  He  has,  therefore,  the  inherent  right  to  property 
and  to  freedom  from  any  kind  of  interference  with  his  will 
as  long  as  his  conduct  does  not  infringe  upon  the  natural 
rights  of  others.  Follen  spoke  in  no  uncertain  terms  to  his 
Boston  audience  when  he  declared  that  every  one  who  seeks 
in  any  way  to  deprive  any  individual  of  his  natural  rights  "is 
an  enemy  to  society,  who  should  be  resisted  and  if  necessary 
destroyed  by  the  united  power  of  the  people."  He  branded 
slavery  as  a  huge  social  conspiracy  in  which  society  was  using 
the  civil  power,  designed  to  be  the  right  hand  of  justice,  "to 
oppress  human  beings  simply  because  mother  nature  had  ar- 

1  Goodell,  398. 

2  Expounded  especially  in  his  13th  lecture,   Works,  III,  252-270. 

—  190  — 


ANTISLAVERY 

rayed  them  in  black  and  red."  In  these  words  he  protested 
against  the  unjust  treatment  accorded  to  the  American  Indians 
as  well  as  to  the  negroes.  But  why  was  such  injustice  toler 
ated?  "Because  the  slave-holders  are  in  the  majority,"  was  his 
reply;  "because  some  cents  less  on  every  pound  of  cotton  will 
satisfy  the  sensible  and  practical  people  all  over  the  world  that 
slave  labor  is  useful  and  slavery  is  right."  In  these  lectures 
Follen  did  not  enter  into  the  reasons  for  or  against  the  pre 
tended  rights  of  slavery  on  the  grounds  of  color,  birth,  or 
capture,  because  he  believed  there  was  no  room  for  argument 
on  the  subject  from  the  standpoint  of  moral  philosophy.  He 
maintained  that  long-settled  usage  may  alter  the  boundaries 
of  property,  but  that  it  cannot  abolish  the  difference  between 
man  and  beast;  that  is  cannot  prevail  against  the  rights  of 
human  nature.  "I  allow,"  he  says,1  "that  slave-holders  among 
themselves  may  settle  with  the  strictest  justice  the  rights  of 
every  freeman ;  but  I  confess  that  when  I  hear  the  great  prin 
ciples  of  liberty  and  equality  proclaimed  by  slave-holders  and 
advocates  of  slavery  I  know  not  whether  to  rejoice  at  this 
meritorious  inconsistency,  or  to  mourn  to  see  liberty  thus 
wounded  in  the  house  of  her  friends."  So  radical  a  doctrine 
had  seldom  been  heard  in  Boston  prior  to  1830. 

Pollen's  connection  with  the  abolition  movement  dates 
from  1831.  His  widow  relates2  the  following  incident  con 
cerning  his  first  visit  to  Garrison :  One  Sunday  morning  when 
he  was  returning  from  preaching  in  a  neighboring  town  he 
overtook  a  negro  on  the  road,  whom  he  found  a  very  interest 
ing  companion.  Since  it  was  raining  and  the  man  looked 
rather  infirm  he  invited  him  to  take  a  seat  in  the  carriage.  The 
man  soon  began  to  talk  about  slavery  and  told  him  of  Mr. 
Walker,  the  author  of  the  incendiary  pamphlet,  "Appeal  to  the 
Colored  Citizens  of  the  World."  He  said  that  Mr.  Walker  had 
died  suddenly  and  the  colored  people  thought  from  appear 
ances  that  he  had  been  poisoned.  This  accidental  conversation 
with  the  poor  negro  excited  Pollen's  mind  so  powerfully  that 

1  Works,  III,  265. 

2  Ibid.,  I,  304. 

—  191  — 


FOLLEN  IN  AMERICA 

he  soon  visited  Mr.  Garrison,  of  whose  efforts  for  the  slaves 
he  had  already  heard.  According  to  Mr.  May,1  it  was  the 
bugle-blast  of  the  Liberator  that  summoned  him  to  the  conflict. 
Whatever  affected  the  welfare  of  mankind  was  a  matter  of 
deep  concern  to  him;  therefore  he  could  not  be  indifferent 
to  a  movement  which  had  for  its  sole  object  the  promotion  of 
human  freedom.  While  most  of  the  clergymen  and  philan 
thropists  of  Boston  held  themselves  aloof  from  Garrison,' 
Pollen  often  went  to  the  Liberator  office,  says  May,  to  converse 
with  and  encourage  the  young  man  who  had  dared  to  face  the 
insults  and  opposition  of  his  fellow  citizens  in  preaching  the 
immediate  and  unconditional  abolition  of  negro  slavery. 

Pollen  did  not  join  the  Antislavery  Society  in  the  first 
year  of  its  existence,  but  he  was  fully  in  sympathy  with  its 
principles  and  followed  the  progress  of  its  propaganda  with 
the  liveliest  interest.  He  had  already  sacrificed  country,  home, 
and  all  that  he  held  dear  for  the  sake  of  freedom,  and  it  could 
not  be  wondered  at  if  even  a  man  of  his  heroic  stamp  should 
have  hesitated  to  take  a  step  which  he  believed  would  endanger 
his  worldly  interests  if  not  involve  him  and  his  family  in 
poverty.  He  had  received  repeated  warnings  2  that  his  pros 
pects  for  advancement  would  be  materially  injured  unless  he 
adhered  strictly  to  the  policy  of  the  College,  and  had  been 
reminded,  too,  that  as  a  foreigner  it  was  highly  improper  for 
him  to  meddle  with  a  question  whose  aim  was  the  subversion 
of  an  established  American  institution.  Pearing  the  loss  of 
southern  trade,  and  honestly  believing  also  that  the  radical  doc 
trine  and  severe  language  of  the  antislavery  agitators  would 
endanger  the  peace  of  the  country  as  well  as  postpone  gradual 
emancipation,  the  citizens  of  Boston  became  embittered  against 
Garrison  and  his  followers;  consequently  those  who  identified 
themselves  with  the  abolition  movement  did  so  at  the  risk  of 
injuring  their  business  interests,  of  alienating  their  friends, 
and  of  arousing  the  ill-will  of  the  whole  community.  Pollen 
however  was  a  man  who  would  not  desert  the  cause  of  human- 

1  Antislavery  Conflict,  252. 

2  Works,  I,  343. 

-  192  — 


ANTISLAVERY 

ity  for  these  or  any  other  considerations.  He  did  not  hesitate 
long.  In  the  summer  of  1833  appeared  Mrs.  Child's  "Appeal 
in  Favor  of  that  Class  of  Americans  called  Africans."  This 
appeal  made  so  deep  an  impression  upon  his  mind  that  after 
solemn  consideration  of  every  objection  his  devout  sense  of 
duty  would  not  permit  him  any  longer  to  stand  aloof  from  a 
society  whose  aim  was  the  immediate  and  unconditional  eman 
cipation  of  over  two  millions  of  slaves. 

Pollen's  active  participation  in  the  doings  of  the  Anti- 
slavery  Society  began  in  January,  1834.1  Upon  invitation  by 
the  secretary  to  deliver  the  main  address  at  the  second  anniver 
sary  of  the  association  he  replied  as  follows:2  "Your  letter  is 
an  additional  inducement  to  me  to  attend  the  coming  anni 
versary  of  the  New  England  Antislavery  Society.  The  deep 
interest  I  feel  in  the  abolition  of  slavery  throughout  the  world 
has  made  me  desirous  of  becoming  more  thoroughly  ac 
quainted  with  the  plans  and  the  proceedings  of  your  Society, 
and  for  this  reason  I  had  determined  before  I  received  your 
letter  to  attend  its  next  general  meeting.  I  feel  truly  grateful 
to  you  and  the  other  gentlemen  of  the  committee  for  the  con 
fidence  you  have  expressed  in  my  sentiments,  and  for  the 
honor  you  have  conferred  upon  me  by  desiring  my  services  on 
that  interesting  occasion.  But,  with  the  most  sincere  desire  to 
cooperate  with  you  in  this  great  and  holy  undertaking,  my 
information  on  the  subject,  particularly  with  regard  to  the 
peculiar  relations  of  this  country,  is  still  so  imperfect,  that  I 
do  not  feel  authorized  to  promise  beforehand  to  make  a  public 

1  May,  254 :    "Soon  after  the  New  England  Antislavery  Society  was 
instituted  Follen  made  known  his  intention  to  join  it.     Some  friends 
remonstrated.     They   admonished   him   that   so   doing   would   be   very 
detrimental  to  his  professional  success.     He  joined  the  society,  became 
one  of  its  vice-presidents,  was  an  efficient  officer  and  rendered  us  in 
valuable  service.     The  apprehensions  of  his  friends  proved  to  be  too 
well  founded.    The  funds  for  the  support  of  his  professorship  at  Cam 
bridge  were  withheld,  and  he  was  obliged  to  retire  from  a  position  in 
which  he  had  been  exceedingly  useful." 

In  her  Reminiscences  of  Charming,  359,  Miss  Peabody  states  that 
although  the  latter  did  not  feel  able  to  take  an  active  part  in  the  Anti- 
slavery  Society  he  was  glad  to  see  Follen  join  it  and  expressed  to  him 
the  wish  that  he  would  use  his  influence  in  its  counsels  to  convince  the 
North  of  4  its  duty  to  compensate  the  slaveholders. 

2  Works,  I,  341. 

—  193  - 


POLLEN  IN  AMERICA 

address  at  the  first  meeting  of  the  Society  which  I  shall  attend. 
I  shall  take  great  pleasure  in  being  present  as  a  listener,  and  a 
learner,  and  a  warmly  sympathizing  friend." 

The  following  account  of  Pollen's  actual  participation  in 
this  meeting  will  show  still  more  conclusively  with  what  peril 
to  himself  he  joined  the  Society,  and  will  indicate  also  in  what 
esteem  he  was  held  by  such  an  abolition  leader  as  Whittier. 
"At  the  time  of  the  formation  of  the  American  Antislavery 
Society,"  Whittier  writes,1  "Pollen  was  Professor  in  Harvard 
University,  honored  for  his  genius,  learning,  and  estimable 
character.  His  love  of  liberty  and  hatred  of  oppression  led 
him  to  seek  an  interview  with  Garrison  and  express  his  sym 
pathy  with  him.  Soon  after,  he  attended  a  meeting  of  the 
New  England  Antislavery  Society.  An  able  speech  was  made 
by  Rev.  A.  A.  Phelps,  and  a  letter  of  mine  was  read.  Where 
upon  he  rose  and  stated  that  his  views  were  in  unison  with 
those  of  the  society,  and  that  after  hearing  the  speech  and  the 
letter  he  was  ready  to  join  it,  and  abide  the  probable  conse 
quences  of  such  an  unpopular  act.  He  lost  by  so  doing  his 
professorship.  He  was  an  able  member  of  the  Executive  Com 
mittee  of  the  American  Antislavery  Society.  The  few  writings 
left  behind  him  show  him  to  have  been  a  profound  thinker  of 
rare  spiritual  insight." 

ADDRESS  TO  THE  AMERICAN   PEOPLE. 

In  May,  1834,  the  first  convention  of  the  New  England 
Antislavery  Society  was  held  in  Boston.  It  was  a  large  gath 
ering,  and  as  a  member  of  the  committee  on  arrangements  Fol- 
len  took  great  interest  in  making  the  meeting  a  success.  His 
activity  in  the  antislavery  propaganda  had  already  brought  him 
recognition  as  one  of  the  leading  champions  of  abolition,  and 
for  this  reason  he  was  chosen  by  the  convention  as  chairman 
of  a  committee  to  draft  an  address  to  the  people  of  the  United 
States  on  the  subject  of  slavery.2  The  address  3  which  he 

1  Poetical  Works   (Riverside  Ed.),  IV,  30. 

2  May,  255. 

3  Given  in  Works,  V,  189-227. 

—  194  — 


ANTISLAVERY 

wrote  on  this  occasion  is  a  lucid  exposition  of  the  principles  of 
abolition  showing,  too,  how  thoroughly  he  had  studied  the 
slavery  question  and  how  deeply  concerned  he  was  over  the 
gravity  of  the  whole  situation.  The  general  spirit  of  this 
appeal  to  the  nation  is  not  unlike  that  of  Fichte's  addresses  to 
the  German  Nation;  the  same  moral  fervor,  the  same  deep 
earnestness,  the  same  breadth  of  view,  and  the  same  prophetic 
vision.  In  both  cases  the  situation  confronting  the  nation  was 
somewhat  the  same.  Deeply  conscious  of  the  moral  decline  of 
his  time,  the  root  of  which  he  found  in  the  prevailing  egotism, 
Fichte  recognized  that  an  entirely  new  public  spirit  had  to  be 
created  if  Germany  was  to  become  a  strong  united  nation  and 
fulfill  the  destiny  of  the  Teutonic  race,  for  the  spiritual  free 
dom  which  it  had  given  to  the  world  could  not  long  exist  if  the 
nation  itself  should  succumb  to  foreign  oppression.1  Follen. 
too,  forsaw  the  impending  crisis  which  threatened  the  Ameri 
can  nation.  To  him  it  was  evident 2  that  national  solidarity 
was  endangered  by  an  immoral  and  corrupt  system  that  would 
sooner  or  later  bring  the  interests  of  two  great  sections  of  the 
country  into  direct  conflict.  He  felt  also  that  our  republican 
government  could  not  endure  without  strict  adherence  to  the 
principles  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  and  that  the 
American  ideal  of  human  freedom  could  not  be  attained  with 
out  the  creation  of  a  new  national  spirit. 

To  the  Abolitionists  the  slavery  system  seemed  so  contrary 
to  every  principle  of  justice  and  humanity  that  they  believed 
the  success  of  their  propaganda  would  be  assured  if  the  mat 
ter  were  given  an  intelligent,  impartial  hearing  by  the  Amer 
ican  public.  Despite  the  degenerating  effects  of  slavery  the 
Abolitionists  believed,  as  Follen  pointed  out,  that  the  spark  of 
divinity  in  the  slave  and  the  feelings  of  humanity  in  the  master 
were  not  yet  extinct,  and  upon  this  belief  they  based  their 
justification  of  abolition  and  their  hope  of  its  accomplishment. 
The  object  of  this  address  was,  therefore,  to  place  clearly 
before  the  people  the  evils  of  slavery  as  well  as  to  refute  some 

1  Cf.  Fichte's  1st  Address,  Werke,  VII,  264ff. 

2  Works,  V,  213. 

-  195  — 


FOLLEN   IN  AMERICA 

of  the  more  important  proslavery  arguments ;  not  to  convince 
them  of  its  evils,  for  that  would  be  as  unnecessary,  the  writer 
says,  as  an  attempt  to  prove  that  liberty  is  an  inestimable  good ; 
but  to  impress  upon  them  the  inconsistency  and  danger  of 
advocating  the  principles  of  freedom  and  equality  without  at 
the  same  time  yielding  obedience  to  the  universal  law  of  liberty. 
The  address  opens  with  a  general  exposition  of  the  injustice  of 
slavery  from  the  standpoint  of  the  Declaration  of  Independ 
ence  which  Pollen  considered  the  fundamental  law  of  the 
land.  According  to  this  document  which  was  read  with  pride 
throughout  the  country  on  every  Fourth  of  July,  all  govern 
ment  among  men  derives  its  just  power  from  the  consent  of 
the  governed,  and  is  instituted  to  secure  the  inalienable  rights 
of  life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness,  with  which  all 
men  are  endowed  equally  by  their  creator.  In  Pollen's  opinion 
these  self-evident  truths  proved  the  unlawfulness  of  the  gov 
ernment  established  over  the  slaves  in  the  same  terms  in  which 
it  justified  the  self-government  of  the  free. 

After  this  introduction  Pollen  proceeds  to  portray  in  clear 
and  convincing  arguments  the  debasing  effects  of  slavery  both 
upon  the  slaves  and  upon  the  slave-holders.  In  regard  to  its 
evil  effects  upon  the  nation  as  a  whole  he  asserted  that  the 
system  was  the  cause  of  all  our  political  dissensions;  that  it 
tended  to  unsettle  the  groundwork  of  the  government  so  that 
every  institution  founded  on  the  common  ground  of  the  Union 
was  like  an  edifice  on  volcanic  soil,  ever  liable  to  have  its 
foundation  shaken  and  the  whole  structure  consumed  by  sub 
terranean  fire. 

Among  the  many  proslavery  arguments  was  the  contention 
that  immediate  emancipation  would  entail  great  property  loss  ; 
that  the  great  majority  of  slaves  were  well  treated,  content, 
and  happy ;  that  they  were  not  prepared  for  liberty  and  if  sud 
denly  freed  would  take  vengeance  upon  their  masters  for  their 
past  sufferings.  To  all  these  objections  to  abolition  Pollen 
advanced  the  strongest  arguments  to  show  that  universal  and 
immediate  emancipation  \vould  in  general  prove  highly  bene 
ficial  both  to  the  slave-holders  and  to  the  slaves.  Granting  that 
the  slaves  were  content  with  their  lot,  would  this  have  been  a 

—  196  — 


ANTISLAVERY 

good  reason  for  continuing  the  system?  Quite  the  contrary 
Pollen  replied,  for  he  believed  that  if  the  slave  had  fallen  so 
low  as  to  rest  satisfied  with  his  own  degradation  and  forget 
that  he  was  a  man,  then  slavery  had  done  its  worst  and  free 
men  were  in  duty  bound  to  abolish  it. 

One  of  the  strongest  arguments  against  the  promotion  of  the 
abolition  propaganda  was  based  upon  constitutional  grounds. 
Although  the  Constitution  nowhere  speaks  of  slavery,  it  was 
generally  interpreted  as  recognizing  the  legality  of  that  insti 
tution  in  those  states  in  which  it  had  not  been  prohibited  by  the 
state  itself.  Everything  indicated  that  slavery  was  supported 
by  the  federal  laws,  hence  the  proslavery  party  maintained  that 
it  was  improper  and  dangerous  to  agitate  the  question  at  all. 
Follen  admitted  that  these  objections  to  the  antislavery  move 
ment  were  well  grounded,  but  maintained  also  that  the  usual 
interpretation  of  Art.  IV,  Sec.  Ill,  3,  of  the  Constitution  was 
inconsistent  with  correct  principles  of  legal  interpretation. 
This  clause  which  was  supposed  to  authorize  slavery  reads  as 
follows :  "No  person  held  to  service  or  labor  in  one  State, 
under  the  laws  thereof,  escaping  to  another,  shall,  in  conse 
quence  of  any  law  or  regulation  therein,  be  discharged  from 
such  service  or  labor,  but  shall  be  delivered  up  on  claim  of 
the  party  to  whom  such  service  or  labor  may  be  due."  Follen 
explains  *  that  this  clause  is  not  inconsistent  with  the  Declara 
tion  of  Independence  if  interpreted  as  referring  to  such  service 
as  may  be  due  from  one  person  to  another  on  any  legal  grounds 
except  slavery,  but  that  it  is  inconsistent  with  the  Declaration 
if  interpreted  as  referring  to  slave  labor  and  involuntary  servi 
tude  as  well  as  to  free  labor  and  hired  service.  Admitting  for 
the  sake  of  argument,  Follen  continues,  that  the  Declaration 
be  acknowledged  no  longer  as  valid,  and  considering  the  Con 
stitution  in  the  light  of  a  more  recent  law,  which  on  that 
account  ought  to  take  precedence  over  the  Declaration  con 
cerning  any  point  on  which  these  two  documents  disagree,  still 
it  is  an  established  principle  of  legal  interpretation,  he  explains, 
that  in  case  of  an  apparent  conflict  between  two  laws  the  lat 
ter  should  be  interpreted  strictly ;  that  is,  if  the  words  admit 

i  Works,  V,  208f. 

—  197  — 


FGLLEX   IN   AMERICA 

of  a  wider  and  narrower  interpretation  they  should  be  accepted 
in  that  sense  in  which  they  are  least  inconsistent  with  the  spirit 
of  the  former  law.  Interpreted  in  its  broader  sense  the  clause 
in  question  would  recognize  slavery  as  legal ;  in  its  narrower 
sense  it  would  secure  the  rights  of  the  master  to  the  service  of 
laborers  and  apprentices  only.  Since  Follen  considered  it  a 
self-evident  truth  that  service  or  labor  is  due  only  to  him  who 
pays  for  it  he  maintained  that  the  words  "to  whom  service  is 
due"  could  not  be  applicable  in  the  case  of  slave-labor;  there 
fore  he  saw  no  other  alternative  than  either  to  adopt  the 
stricter  interpretation  of  this  clause,  or  to  admit  that  the  funda 
mental  principles  of  the  Declaration,  which  acknowledges  the 
inalienable  rights  of  man  as  the  only  just  foundation  of  govern 
ment,  had  been  repealed  by  the  Constitution. 

Even  if  the  proslavery  party  admitted  the  soundness  of 
this  interpretation  of  the  Constitution  they  could  still  object 
to  its  practical  application  on  the  grounds  that  the  Constitu 
tional  Convention  meant  to  legalize  slavery  under  the  broader 
import  of  the  clause  in  question.  Follen  was  willing  to  assume 
that  the  framers  of  the  Constitution  actually  intended  to  do 
this  very  thing,  but  he  believed  that  they  had  done  it  reluct 
antly.  The  very  fact  that  they  had  worded  this  clause  in  such 
a  way  that  it  would  still  be  applicable  to  the  service  of  laborers 
and  apprentices,  even  if  slavery  were  abolished,  made  it  seem 
evident  to  him  that  they  were  looking  forward  to  a  time  when 
the  principles  of  the  Declaration  should  have  removed  every 
sort  of  government  that  had  not  been  derived  from  the  consent 
of  the  governed.  To  substantiate  this  view  Follen  called 
attention  to  the  fact  that  many  of  the  men  who  framed  the 
Constitution  also  took  part  in  the  early  congressional  legisla 
tion  which  prohibited  slavery  and  involuntary  servitude  from 
the  Northwest  Territory.1 

According  to  Follen's  view  the  Abolitionists  did  not  rest 
their  cause  upon  the  intentions  of  the  Constitutional  Conven- 

1  This  measure  originated  with  Jefferson,  was  passed  by  the  Old 
Congress  in  1787,  and  was  ratified  by  the  first  Congress  under  the  new 
Constitution,  the  entire  southern  delegation  voting  for  its  adoption; 
cf.  Goodell,  83. 

-198- 


ANTISLAVERY 

tion  or  upon  the  interpretation  of  the  Constitution  itself,  but 
grounded  their  hopes  of  success  upon  the  principle  laid  down 
in  Washington's  farewell  address,  that  the  basis  of  our  political 
system  is  the  right  of  the  people  to  make  and  alter  their  consti 
tutional  government.  Personally,  Follen  relied x  upon  the 
freedom  guaranteed  by  the  Constitution  to  assemble  and  con 
sult,  to  speak  and  to  print,  and  after  arousing  public  sentiment 
thereby  to  petition  the  federal  government  as  well  as  the  state 
legislatures  to  abolish  slavery  by  legislative  enactments,  in 
other  words,  by  constitution  amendments.  Thus  he  advocated  2 
that  the  Abolitionists  armed  with  the  weapons  furnished  by 
the  Constitution  itself  were  in  duty  bound  to  continue  their 
propaganda  until  the  principle  that  man  could  hold  property 
in  man  would  be  effaced  from  the  statute  books. 

Follen  closed  his  address  by  urging  all  American  patriots 
to  yield  to  the  new  spirit  of  freedom  which  was  manifest  in 
the  popular  uprisings  of  European  nations  against  the  divine 
right  of  kings.  He  reminded  the  people  that  those  nations 
were  awaking  to  the  truth  that  a  man  is  a  man  whether 
European  prejudice  frowned  upon  him  on  account  of  his  sta 
tion  or  American  prejudice  because  of  his  color,  and  that  they 
would  not  omit  to  scrutinize  critically  the  title  of  a  state  which 
used  its  laws  to  hold  in  bondage  more  than  one  sixth  of  its 
population.  He  appealed  to  all  true  Republicans  in  whose 
keeping  the  destiny  of  the  nation  had  been  committed  to  prove 
by  their  stand  on  the  slavery  question  whether  their  liberty  was 
the  fruit  of  determined  choice  or  of  a  fortunate  accident. 
With  prophetic  vision  he  expressed  his  conviction  3  that  unless 
the  slave  system  were  abolished  it  would  sooner  or  later  prove 
destructive  of  the  Union ;  that  those  who  were  striving  directly 
or  indirectly  to  secure  its  existence  were  nourishing  the  seeds 
of  civil  war,  and  that  their  efforts  to  avert  it  from  themselves 
would  only  serve  to  insure  its  breaking  in  upon  their  descend- 
ents  with  increased  violence. 

1  Works,  V,  212. 

2  Ibid.,  V,  213. 

3  Ibid.,  V,  217. 

—  199  — 


POLLEN  IN  AMERICA 

This  address  was  perhaps  one  of  the  most  philosophical 
and  convincing  abolition  arguments  that  had  up  to  that  time 
been  presented  to  the  American  public.  It  was  printed  and 
sent  broadcast  over  the  country,  to  each  member  of  Congress 
and  to  some  of  the  most  distinguished  men  of  the  South.  Mrs. 
Pollen  states  *  that  from  the  large  number  of  copies  sent  out 
only  one  was  returned,  with  some  insulting  expressions  about 
foreigners  throwing  firebrands  written  in  the  margins;  that 
although  some  of  the  proslavery  papers  of  Boston  made  insult 
ing  remarks  about  the  author,  the  argument  and  general  spirit 
of  the  address  were  of  such  a  high  order  that  it  elicited  much 
praise  even  from  some  of  the  most  bitter  enemies  of  the  aboli 
tion  movement.  According  to  Mr.  May  2  the  people  of  New 
England  in  general  knew  very  little  about  the  Constitution; 
some  of  the  most  intelligent  citizens  supposed  that  it  expressly 
guaranteed  slavery  while  many  had  never  read  it  at  all. 
Shortly  after  the  address  was  written  the  Antislavery  Society 
printed  a  large  edition  of  the  Constitution  for  distribution  with 
Pollen's  address  and  other  antislavery  tracts.3  It  seems  rea 
sonable  to  assume,  therefore,  that  Pollen's  discussion  of  the 
constitutional  question  of  slavery  along  with  a  copy  of  the 
Constitution  itself  must  have  been  instrumental  in  arousing  the 
interest  of  many  people  in  the  abolition  movement. 

THE;  MOB  YEAR. 

The  year  between  the  spring  of  1835  and  that  of  1836  was 
one  of  the  stormiest  periods  of  the  early  abolition  movement, 
a  time  that  tried  the  souls  of  men,  and  it  is  often  spoken  of 
as  the  "mob  year,"  the  "reign  of  terror."  Although  the  anti- 
slavery  cause  was  growing  rapidly  it  experienced  at  this  time 
some  of  its  greatest  trials  and  its  most  bitter  proslavery  op 
position.  Por  a  time  antislavery  meetings  were  frequently  dis 
turbed  by  mobs,  which  were  sanctioned  and  even  encouraged 

1  Ibid.,  I,  343. 

2  Antislavery  Conflict,  141f. 

3  Ibid.,  142. 

—  200  — 


ANTISLAVERY 

by  the  pulpit  and  the  press.1  The  notorious  outrage  of  the 
Boston  mob  against  the  Ladies'  Antislavery  Society,  and  the 
dragging  of  Garrison  through  the  streets  with  a  rope  around 
his  body  deeply  moved  the  soul  of  Follen,  as  his  wife  writes,2 
winning  his  heart  anew  to  the  persecuted  cause.  At  this  time 
he  was  a  member  of  the  board  of  managers  of  the  Massa 
chusetts  Antislavery  Society,  attending  all  its  regular  business 
meetings  and  engaged  in  organizing  auxiliary  branches. 
Samuel  May,  who  as  general  agent  of  the  Society  came  into 
close  touch  with  him  during  this  period,  speaks  3  as  follows 
about  his  fidelity  and  fearlessness :  "He  never  quailed.  His 
countenance  always  wore  its  accustomed  expression  of  calm 
determination.  He  aided  us  by  his  counsels,  animated  us  by 
his  resolute  spirit,  and  strengthened  us  by  the  heart-refreshing 
tones  of  his  voice/' 

About  this  time  Miss  Martineau,  who  was  studying  social 
conditions  in  this  country,  was  visiting  New  England.  Dis 
tinguished  alike  for  her  philanthropic  and  literary  works  she 
was  received  everywhere  with  the  greatest  respect.  During 
her  travels  the  proslavery  party  sought  naturally  to  impress 
her  in  favor  of  slavery,  and  in  Boston  especially  she  heard 
many  aspersions  cast  upon  the  Abolitionists.  It  chanced  dur 
ing  her  visit  in  this  city  that  she  met  the  Pollens,  and  this 
resulted  at  once  in  a  mutual  admiration  and  an  intimate  friend 
ship  between  them.  It  seems  from  Miss  Martineau's  account 4 
that  it  was  Follen  who  was  instrumental  in  having  her  visit  a 
meeting  of  the  Ladies'  Antislavery  Society.  She  accepted  the 
invitation  somewhat  reluctantly,  as  she  intimates,  in  order  to 
learn  more  about  the  aims  and  methods  of  the  Abolitionists, 
concerning  which  she  as  yet  knew  very  little.  Although  she 
was  antislavery  in  sentiment  her  visit  to  this  meeting  caused 
her  to  identify  herself  openly  with  Abolitionists,  as  is  well 

1  Goodell,  404ff. 

2  Works,  I,  379. 

3  Antislavery  Conflict,  255. 

4  Autobiography,  I,  347. 

-  201  — 


POLLEN   IN  AMERICA 

known,1  and  from  this  time  on  she  wielded  her  powerful  pen 
in  defense  of  the  abolition  cause. 

In  a  preceding  chapter  allusion  has  been  made  to  Miss 
Martineau's  tour  of  the  west  in  company  with  the  Follens  and 
several  other  friends  in  the  spring  of  1836.  Although  they 
made  this  journey  primarily  as  a  pleasure  trip  it  became  a 
veritable  antislavery  tour.  Everywhere  they  made  abolition 
propaganda  as  indicated  by  Miss  Martineau's  account 2  as  fol 
lows  :  "Wherever  we  went  it  was  necessary  to  make  up  our 
minds  distinctly,  and  with  the  full  knowledge  of  each  other, 
what  we  should  say  and  do  in  regard  to  the  subject  which  was 
filling  all  men's  minds.  We  resolved,  of  course,  to  stand  by 
our  antislavery  principles,  and  advocate  them  wherever  fair 
occasion  offered;  and  we  never  did  omit  an  opportunity  of 
saying  what  we  knew  and  thought.  On  every  steamboat  and 
in  every  stage  (when  we  entered  public  conveyances)  the  sub 
ject  arose  naturally;  for  no  subject  was  so  universally  dis 
cussed  throughout  the  country,  though  it  was  interdicted 
within  the  walls  of  the  Capitol  at  Washington.  Mr.  Coring 
joined  in  the  conversation  when  the  legal  aspects  of  the  matter 
were  discussed;  and  Dr.  Follen  when  the  religious  and  moral 
and  political  bearings  of  slavery  were  the  subject.  Mrs.  Fol 
len  and  Mrs.  Coring  were  full  of  facts  and  reasons  about  the 
workings  of  Abolitionism  in  its  headquarters.  As  for  me  my 
topic  was  Texas.  *  *  *  The  further  we  went  the  more  we  heard 
of  lynchings  which  had  lately  taken  place,  or  were  designed 
for  the  next  Abolitionists  who  should  come  that  way.  In 
Detroit  we  heard  that  our  party  of  Abolitionists  were  expected, 
and  that  everything  was  in  readiness  to  give  us  a  similar  recep 
tion.  Our  Abolitionism  could  be  no  secret,  ready  as  we  always 
were  to  say  what  we  knew  and  thought." 

ADDRESS  ON   THE  RIGHTS  OF  FOREIGNERS  AND  WOMEN   IN 
THE  ANTISLAVERY   MOVEMENT. 

The  proslavery  press  was  especially  bitter  in  its  denuncia 
tion  of  foreigners  who  "dared  to  meddle"  in  the  question  of 

1  Ibid.,  I,  351. 

2  Ibid.,  I,  366. 

—  202  — 


ANTISLAVERY 

American  slavery,  notably  in  the  case  of  the  distinguished  Eng 
lish  Abolitionist,  George  Thompson,  who  was  making  a  lecture 
tour  in  this  country  at  this  time  in  the  interest  of  the  anti- 
slavery  movement.1  Although  Follen  had  lived  in  this  country 
eleven  years  and  had  possessed  all  the  rights  of  an  American 
citizen  for  five  years  he,  too,  was  condemned  for  his  abolition 
activity  both  in  public  and  in  private  as  a  foreign  meddler.2 
Through  his  address  to  the  American  People  his  active  inter 
est  in  the  propaganda  made  him  so  well  known  as  an  Aboli 
tionist  that  he  was  occasionally  reminded  by  the  newspapers 
that  a  foreigner  should  remember  the  protection  afforded  him 
by  the  institutions  of  this  country  instead  of  casting  fire 
brands  among  the  people.  To  these  criticisms  Garrison 8 
replied  in  the  Liberator :  "We  wish  we  had  more  such  foreign 
ers  among  us."  It  was  this  hostile  attitude  against  antislavery 
agitators  of  foreign  birth,  especially  the  unkind  criticism  4  of 
Miss  Martineau  after  her  public  avowal  of  abolition  principles 
that  inspired  one 5  of  Pollen's  most  powerful  antislavery 
addresses.  To  quote  the  words  of  May  :6  "This  was  his 
bravest  speech.  There  was  not  a  word,  nor  a  tone,  nor  a  look 
of  compromise  in  it.  He  met  our  opponents  at  the  very  points 
where  some  of  our  friends  thought  us  deserving  of  blame,  and 
he  manfully  maintained  every  inch  of  his  ground.  It  is  not 
easy  even  for  us  to  recall,  and  it  is  impossible  to  give  to  those 
who  were  not  Abolitionists  then,  a  clear  idea  of  the  state  of 
the  community  at  the  time  that  speech  was  made." 

This  address  is  couched  in  the  form  of  a  resolution  and 
opens  thus :  "Resolved  that  we  consider  the  Antislavery  Cause 
as  the  cause  of  philanthropy,  with  regard  to  which  all  human 

1  May,  125. 

2  Works,  I,  342. 

3  Cf.  Story  of  his  Life  by  his  Children,  I,  441  f. 
*Cf.  Autobiography,  I,  352;  Works,  I,  380f. 

5  Made  in  the  annual  meeting  of  the  Massachusetts  Antislavery 
Society  at  Boston,  January,  1836.    Extant  only  in  part,  Works,  I,  637ff. 

6  Antislavery  Conflict,  255. 

—  203  — 


POLLEN  IN  AMERICA 

beings, — white  men  and  colored  men,  citizens  and  foreigners, 
men  and  women,  have  the  same  duties  and  the  same  rights." 

Pollen  began  with  the  statement  that  the  whole  abolition 
creed  could  be  summed  up  in  the  single  proposition  that  the 
slave  is  a  man  created  in  the  image  of  God  and  is  therefore  a 
freeman  by  divine  right.  The  very  fact  that  the  slave  is  a 
human  being,  is  Pollen's  argument,  makes  it  incumbent  upon 
everyone  of  whatever  color,  nationality,  or  sex,  by  virtue  of  a 
common  nature,  to  become  his  rightful  and  responsible  de 
fender.  Pollen  admitted  that  in  personal  and  domestic  relation 
each  individual  may  choose  his  company  according  to  his  likes 
or  dislikes.  He  insisted,  however,  that  the  colored  people 
should  be  admitted  into  all  public  meetings  and  societies  de 
signed  for  the  establishment  of  human  rights,  for  he  was 
consistent  enough  not  to  demand  that  the  white  slaveholder  of 
the  South  live  on  terms  of  civil  equality  with  colored  slaves 
unless  the  white  Abolitionists  of  the  North  would  do  the  same. 

In  the  second  part  of  his  address  Pollen  speaks  in  defense 
of  the  foreign-born  agitators.  Since  the  antislavery  movement 
was  not  a  national  but  a  philanthropic  cause  he  contended  that 
no  distinction  should  be  made  between  foreigners  and  natives. 
If  millions  of  human  beings  were  driven  out  daily  to  hard  toil 
and  degraded  without  redress,  and  millions  of  free  citizens 
neglected  in  their  prosperity  to  aid  their  unfortunate  fellow- 
men,  suppose  some  foreigner  chanced  to  come  along  and 
sought  to  heal  the  wounds  of  the  downtrodden, — who,  Pollen 
asked,  would  be  a  neighbor  to  them  who  were  wounded  in  body 
and  soul?  "Shall  we,"  he  exclaimed  reprovingly,  "on  behold 
ing  such  signal  kindness,  cry  out  with  the  Jews  of  old, — He  is 
a  Samaritan  and  has  a  devil! — or  with  our  modern  national 
bigots, — He  is  a  foreigner,  an  English  emissary,  mob  him,  tar 
and  feather  him !"  Pollen  felt  that  those  foreigners  who  sup 
ported  the  abolition  cause  were  America's  best  friends  and 
that  their  very  participation  in  it  was  the  surest  pledge  of  their 
confidence  in  American  love  of  truth  and  sense  of  justice.  He 
was  firmly  convinced  also  that  any  attempt  to  prevent  either 
citizens  or  foreigners  from  expressing  fully  their  opinion  on 
such  a  great  moral  question  was  far  worse  in  this  country  than 

—  204  — 


ANTISLAVERY 

in  any  other,  simply  because  we  had  pledged  our  lives  and 
fortunes  and  sacred  honor  to  uphold  the  equal  rights  of  all. 

The  last  topic  of  the  address  is  a  defense  of  the  rights  of 
women.  It  has  already  been  pointed  out  in  the  preceeding 
chapter  how  Follen  took  the  advance  ground  on  this  question. 
— how  in  his  plan  of  religious  reform  he  desired  to  place 
women  upon  an  equality  with  men  and  to  give  them  equal 
opportunity  to  speak  in  public  services.  According  to  the  cus 
tom  of  those  times  few  women  except  among  the  Quakers  took 
part  in  public  meetings,  but  the  abolition  movement  marked 
the  dawn  of  a  new  era  in  this  respect.  At  the  very  beginning 
of  the  movement  several  earnest  and  talented  women  devoted 
themselves  to  the  cause,  making  suggestions,  giving  advice,  em 
ploying  their  pens,  and  through  the  encouragement  and  sup 
port  of  such  men  as  Garrison  and  Whittier  gradually  began  to 
take  part  in  public  discussions.  Follen,  too,  was  an  ardent 
advocate  of  equal  rights,  and  the  argument  which  he  made  in 
this  address  must  have  had  an  inspiring  effect  upon  the  women, 
especially  so  since  it  was  a  rare  thing  at  that  time  to  hear  a 
public  defense  of  their  cause  in  conservative  New  England. 
One  of  the  most  significant  portions  of  this  address  runs  as 
follows : 

"I  maintain  that  with  regard  to  the  antislavery  cause  men 
and  women  have  the  same  duties  and  rights.  The  ground  I 
take  on  this  point  is  very  plain.  I  wish  to  spare  you,  I  wish  to 
spare  myself,  the  worthless  and  disgusting  task  of  replying  in 
detail  to  all  the  coarse  attacks  and  flattering  sophisms  by  which 
men  have  endeavored  to  entice  or  to  drive  women  from  this 
and  from  many  other  spheres  of  moral  action.  'Go  home  and 
spin !'  is  the  well-meaning  advice  of  the  domestic  tyrant  of  the 
old  school.  'Conquer  by  personal  charms  and  fashionable  at 
tractions  !'  is  the  brilliant  career  marked  out  for  her  by  the 
idols  and  the  idolaters  of  fashion.  'Never  step  out  of  the 
bounds  of  decorum  and  the  customary  ways  of  doing  good !' 
is  the  sage  advice  of  maternal  caution.  'Rule  by  obedience,  by 
submission  sway !'  is  the  golden  saying  of  the  moralist  poet, 
sanctioning  female  servitude,  and  pointing  out  a  resort  and 
compensation  in  female  cunning.  With  the  fear  of  insolent 

—  205  - 


POLLEN  IN  AMERICA 

remarks  and  of  being  thought  unfeminine,  it  is  indeed  proof 
of  uncommon  moral  courage  or  of  an  overpowering  sense  of 
religious  duty  and  sympathy  for  the  oppressed  that  a  woman 
is  induced  to  embrace  the  unpopular,  unfashionable,  obnoxious 
principles  of  the  Abolitionists.  Popular  opinion,  the  habit  of 
society,  are  all  calculated  to  lead  women  to  consider  the  place, 
the  privileges,  and  the  duties  which  etiquette  has  assigned  to 
them  as  their  peculiar  portion,  as  more  important  than  those 
which  nature  has  given  to  them  in  common  with  men.  Men 
have  at  all  times  been  inclined  to  allow  to  women  peculiar 
privileges,  while  withholding  from  them  essential  rights.  In 
the  program  of  civilization  and  Christianity  one  right  after 
another  has  been  conceded,  one  occupation  after  another  has 
been  placed  within  the  reach  of  wromen.  Still  we  are  far  from 
a  practical  acknowledgement  of  the  simple  truth,  that  the 
rational  and  moral  nature  of  man  is  the  foundation  of  all 
rights  and  duties  and  that  women  as  well  as  men  are  rational 
and  moral  beings.  Women  begin  to  feel  that  the  place  men 
have  marked  out  for  them  is  but  a  small  part  of  what  society 
owes  to  them,  and  which  they  themselves  owe  to  society." 

To  what  extent  Pollen's  address  was  instrumental  in 
stimulating  an  interest  in  women's  rights  cannot  of  course  be 
determined.  At  any  rate  it  must  have  made  a  deep  impression. 
Mr.  May  observes  1  that  Whittier,  who  was  present,  was  so 
deeply  affected  by  its  fervor  and  logic  that  he  composed  that 
very  night  his  famous  "Stanzas  for  the  Times,"  2  one  of  his 
best  antislavery  poems. 

DEFENSE  OF  FREE  SPEECH. 

The  Abolitionists  reached  the  culmination  of  their  trials 
in  the  spring  of  1836.  Not  only  did  the  mobs  attempt  to  sup 
press  the  antislavery  movement,  but  the  proslavery  leaders, 
claiming  that  all  antislavery  newspapers  were  designed  to 
incite  the  slave  to  insurrection  and  murder,  sought  to  gag  the 
press  through  statutory  enactments.  As  early  as  1832  Judge 

1  Antislavery  Conflict,  265. 

2  Poetical  Works  (Riverside  Ed.),  Ill,  35. 

—  206  — 


ANTISLAVERY 

Thatcher *  of  Boston,  in  a  charge  to  the  Grand  Jury,  pro 
nounced  it  a  misdemeanor  indictable  at  common  law  to  publish 
in  one  state  with  intent  to  send  into  another  any  such  publica 
tions,  and  in  1835  the  Hon.  Wm.  Sullivan  wrote  a  pamphlet 
expressing  the  same  sentiment  as  follows :  "It  is  to  be  hoped 
and  expected,"  he  said,2  "that  Massachusetts  will  enact  laws 
declaring  the  printing,  publishing,  and  circulating  of  papers 
and  pamphlets  on  slavery,  and  also  the  holding  of  meetings  to 
discuss  slavery  and  abolition,  to  be  public  indictable  offenses, 
and  provide  for  the  punishment  thereof  in  such  manner  as  will 
more  effectually  prevent  such  offenses."  Such  sentiment  in 
the  North  naturally  encouraged  the  South  to  demand  legisla 
tion  upon  the  subject.  Accordingly  the  Governor  of  South 
Carolina  declared  in  a  message3  to  the  legislature  in  December 
1835  that  the  corner-stone  of  the  republican  edifice  rests  upon 
slavery,  and  demanded  that  the  laws  of  every  community 
should  punish  with  death  without  benefit  of  the  clergy  all  those 
who  interfered  with  the  institution.  The  legislatures  of  several 
southern  states  passed  resolutions4  requesting  the  non-slave* 
holding  states  of  the  union  to  suppress  all  abolition  societies, 
and  to  make  it  highly  penal  to  print,  publish,  and  distribute 
newspapers,  pamphlets,  tracts  and  pictorial  representations 
calculated  or  having  a  tendency  to  excite  the  slaves  of  the 
southern  states  to  insurrection  and  revolt. 

In  consequence  of  these  demands,  which  were  officially 
communicated  to  the  governors  of  the  non-slaveholding  states, 
Governor  Edward  Everett  in  his  message  to  the  legislature  of 
Massachusetts  in  January  1836,  alluded  particularly  to  the 
subject  of  slavery,  admonishing  all  classes  to  abstain  from 
discussing  the  subject,  censuring  the  Abolitionists,  and  intimat 
ing  that  they  were  guilty  of  offenses  punishable  at  common 
law.  This  portion  5  of  the  message  was  referred  to  a  joint 

1  Johnson,  Garrison  and  his  Times,  212f. 

2  Ibid. ;  also  Goodell,  409. 

3  Goodell,  413. 

4  Original  resolutions  quoted  by  Goodell,  413f. ;  cf .  also  May,  185ff. 

5  Quoted  by  Goodell,  415. 

—  207  — 


POLLEN  IN  AMERICA 

legislative  committee  of  five  members  for  consideration. 
Believing  that  any  unfavorable  action  by  this  commission 
would  jeopardize  the  abolition  cause  and  endanger  also  the 
liberties  of  the  people  in  general,  the  Massachusetts  Anti- 
slavery  Society  petitioned  the  committee  to  grant  them  a  hear 
ing  in  order  to  present  reasons  why  the  legislature  should  not 
take  action  condemning  the  Abolitionists.  Upon  permission 
to  present  their  claims  the  Society  sent  a  delegation  to  the 
legislature  wrhere,  on  the  4th  of  March,  it  entered  into  one  of 
the  most  memorable  and  heroic  struggles  in  the  history  of  the 
early  abolition  movement.  Follen  was  among  the  nine  repre 
sentatives  chosen  to  avert  the  danger  that  seemed  impending 
over  the  Abolitionists,  and  in  this  struggle  he  disinguished 
himself  as  one  of  the  most  powerful  defenders  of  the  freedom 
of  speech  and  of  the  press. 

The  scene  in  the  legislature  just  preceding  the  hearing  is 
described  as  follows1  by  Miss  Martineau,  who  was  present  on 
that  occasion :  "While  the  committee  were,  with  ostentatious 
negligence,  keeping  the  Abolitionists  waiting,  the  Senate 
Chamber  presented  an  interesting  spectable.  The  contemptu 
ous  committee,  dawdling  about  some  immaterial  business,  were 
lolling  over  a  table,  one  twirling  a  pen,  another  squirting 
tobacco  juice,  and  another  giggling.  The  Abolitionists,  to 
whom  this  business  was  a  prelude  to  life  or  death,  were  earn 
estly  consulting  in  groups, — at  the  further  end  of  the  chamber 
Garrison  and  another;  somewhat  nearer,  Dr.  Follen,  looking 
German  all  over,  and  a  deeper  earnestness  than  usual  over 
spreading  his  serene  and  meditative  countenance ;  and  in  con 
sultation  with  him  Mr.  Loring.  There  was  May,  and  Goodell, 
and  Sewall,  and  several  others,  and  many  an  anxious  face 
looking  down  from  the  gallery.  During  the  suspense  the  door 
opened  and  Dr.  Charming  entered — one  of  the  last  people  who 
could  on  that  winter  afternoon  have  been  expected." 

Concerning  the  proceedings  that  then  took  place  Garrison2 

1  The  Martyr  Age  of  America,    Westminster  Review.   December, 
1838. 

2  Story  of  his  Life  by  his  Children,  II,  95ff. 

—  208  — 


ANTISLAVERY 

gives  the  following  account:  "Mr.  May  began  the  defense 
and  spoke  pretty  well  for  nearly  an  hour,  but  was  frequently 
interrupted  by  the  members  of  the  committee,  who,  with  one 
exception,  behaved  in  an  insolent  and  arbitrary  manner.  Mr. 
lyoring  then  spoke  about  fifteen  minutes  in  a  very  admirable 
manner.  Mr.  Goodell  then  followed  at  some  length,  very  ably, 
but  was  cramped  by  the  committee.  I  succeeded  him  pretty 
warmly,  but  without  interruption.  Professor  Pollen  began 
next  with  great  boldness  and  eloquence.  His  share  was  to 
show  the  relation  of  cause  and  effect  between  Faneuil  Hall 
meeting  and  the  mob  of  October  21  as  foreshadowing  the 
result  of  legislative  resolutions  censuring  the  Abolitionists." 

Follen  began  his  argument x  with  a  series  of  philosophical 
remarks  upon  the  rights  of  man  and  upon  the  spirit  and  pur 
pose  of  our  republican  institutions,  maintaining  that  liberty 
of  speech  and  of  the  press  was  essential  to  the  preservation  of 
the  government.  He  declared  boldly  at  the  outset  that  what 
ever  would  not  bear  to  be  examined  and  criticized  must  be 
essentially  bad  and  ought  not  to  be  perpetuated,  and  that  any 
attempt  to  stifle  the  voice  or  muzzle  the  press  was  a  sure 
indication  of  an  attempt  to  perpetuate  what  ought  to  be  abol 
ished.  He  pointed  out  that  the  Abolitionists  wished  to  over 
throw  slavery  only  by  exercising  their  constitutional  right  to 
speak  and  print  their  opinions  of  it,  whereas  the  proslavery 
party  was  bent  on  preventing  this,  not  by  proving  that  slavery 
was  not  an  evil,  but  by  denying  the  right  to  express  any  opinion 
whatsoever  about  it.  After  alluding  to  the  attempts  to  excite 
odium  against  the  Abolitionists,  and  to  the  demands  of  south 
ern  legislatures  for  the  suppression  of  their  doctrines  by  penal 
laws,  he  referred  also  to  the  Faneuil  Hall  meeting  2  and  its 
censure  of  the  Abolitionists.  Believing  that  this  meeting  had 
instigated  the  Boston  mobs  Follen  argued  that  legislative  cen 
sure  of  the  Abolitionists  would  have  similar  consequences. 
"Would  not  the  mobocrats,"  he  asked,  "again  undertake  to 

1  Works,  I,  389ff. 

2  Held  by  the  proslavery  party  in  August,  1835,  to  oppose  the  Abo- 
lutionists ;  cf .  May,  151. 

—  209  — 


FOLLEN  IN  AMERICA 

execute  the  informal  sentence  of  the  general  court?"  Here 
upon  the  chairman  of  the  committee  cried  out :  "Stop  Sir, 
you  may  not  pursue  this  course  of  remark,  it  is  insulting  to 
this  committee  and  to  the  legislature  which  they  represent."  * 
After  protesting  that  he  had  not  even  intimated  that  the  com 
mittee  or  the  legislature  would  approve  an  act  of  violence,  and 
being  refused  a  second  permission  to  proceed  with  his  defense, 
Pollen  took  his  seat.  After  a  vigorous  protest  by  the  members 
of  the  delegation  he  was  allowed  to  take  the  floor  again.  With 
calm  dignity  he  arose  a  second  time  and  asked  to  be  distinctly 
informed  what  he  had  said  that  could  be  construed  as  dis 
respectful  to  the  committee,  and  whether  the  right  to  speak 
was  to  be  recognized  only  as  a  special  favor.  The  chairman 
would  make  no  satisfactory  reply  to  these  questions,  where 
upon  Pollen  again  took  his  seat  and  the  meeting  came  to  an 
abrupt  close. 

The  Abolitionists  sent  a  remonstrance  to  the  legislature 
on  the  following  day.  This  was  referred  to  the  same  commit 
tee,  and  a  second  hearing  was  granted  on  the  8th.  According 
to  Mr.  May2  it  was  intended  that  Pollen  should  address  the 
committee  first,  beginning  just  where  he  had  been  interrupted 
by  Mr.  I^unt,  and  that  he  should  press  home  that  part  of  the 
argument  which  was  deemed  so  important.  When  he  again 
confronted  the  committee  he  opened  with  the  statement  that  the 
only  point  at  issue  was  the  principle  of  the  freedom  of  speech, 
maintaining  that  the  Abolitionists  were  accused  of  crime  not 
for  anything  they  had  done,  but  for  what  they  had  believed 
and  said,  and  that  the  governor  had  endorsed  the  accusation 
simply  because  they  had  exercised  in  the  cause  of  humanity  a 
right  which  was  guaranteed  by  the  laws  of  the  state  and  of  the 
federal  government.  He  called  attention  to  the  fact  that 
Jefferson  himself  had  prophesied  long  before  that  slavery  must 
come  to  an  end  in  America,  and  that  the  European  countries 
had  already  begun  to  free  their  slaves.  Since  the  spirit  of  the 
times  demanded  emancipation,  and  since  it  was  only  a  ques- 

i  May,  194. 

2Antislavery  Conflict,  195. 

—  210  — 


ANTISLAVERY 

tion,  as  he  believed,  whether  it  was  to  come  by  peaceful  dis 
cussion  or  by  the  arbitrament  of  war,  it  was  highly  important, 
he  maintained,  to  meet  the  issue  face  to  face  instead  of  de 
manding  silence  on  the  subject.  He  admitted  that  the  Aboli 
tionists  had  in  some  cases  been  intemperate  in  their  speech, 
but  asserted  that  the  right  of  free  expression  of  their  opinions 
could  not  for  that  reason  be  denied.  The  all-important  ques 
tion  was,  therefore,  not  whether  the  legislature  would  crush 
the  abolition  propaganda,  but  whether  it  would  suppress  free 
speech  forever.  Follen  expressed  his  belief  that  the  action  of 
the  mobs  was  due  to  misrepresentations  of  the  Abolitionists, 
and  that  it  was  honestly  intended  to  preserve  the  Union,  but 
he  contended  that  penal  enactments  against  the  Abolitionists 
would  be  less  dangerous  to  them  than  condemnatory  resolu 
tions  which  would  be  left  to  Judge  Lynch  for  enforcement. 
At  this  point  he  was  again  called  to  order  on  the  ground  of 
using  language  disrespectful  to  the  committee.  To  this  he 
replied  that  he  could  not  understand  how  such  an  allusion 
could  be  interpreted  as  disrespectful  to  the  committee  or  to  the 
legislature,  but  the  chairman  retorted  that  it  was  improper  and 
would  not  be  permitted.  After  a  long  parley  he  was  permitted 
to  proceed  and  had  the  satisfaction  of  expressing  his  views 
without  further  opposition.  He  pointed  out  clearly  and  forci 
bly  that  legislative  censure  would  tend  directly  and  indirectly 
to  excite  mobs,  explained  the  dangerous  consequences  of  mob 
rule  to  all  classes,  and  insisted  that  the  legislature  could  not 
justly  censure  citizens  in  the  exercise  of  a  legal  right. 

Inch  by  inch  Follen  fought  his  way,  battling  for  freedom 
of  speech  in  a  free  land.  In  his  contention  for  principle  and 
his  resistance  of  wrong  he  manifested  the  same  invincible 
spirit  that  had  animated  him  in  his  European  struggle  for  free 
dom.1  Concerning  his  conduct  on  this  occasion  Mr.  May 
speaks  thus : 2  "A  committee  of  the  Massachusetts  legislature 
might  not  be  so  august  a  presence  as  the  Holy  Alliance,  but  in 

1  By  the  proslavery  press  Follen  was  bitterly  assailed  for  the  part 
he  took  in  this  legislative  hearing.     Cf.  Works,  I,  403. 

2  Eulogy  on   Follen  before  the  Antislavery  Society  of   Boston  in 
April,  1840.     Quoted  in  part,  Works,  I,  402. 

—  211  — 


FOLLEN  IN  AMERICA 

Pollen's  regard  the  occasion  that  called  him  to  the  Hall  of 
Representatives  was  as  much  more  momentous  than  the  occa 
sion  on  which  he  resisted  the  Allied  Sovereigns  at  Basel  as  the 
infringement  of  the  liberties  of  speech  by  a  democratic  govern 
ment  would  be  more  disastrous  to  the  cause  of  freedom  than 
any  encroachment  on  human  rights  by  absolute  monarchs. 
We  were  all  impressed  by  his  intent  look,  his  earnest,  solemn 
manner.  And  we  can  never  cease  to  be  grateful  to  him  for  his 
pertinacity  in  maintaining  his  own  rights  against  the  aggres 
sive  overbearance  of  the  chairman  of  that  committee."  "I 
have  sometimes  thought  it  was  the  turning  point  in  the  affairs 
of  our  old  Commonwealth."  * 

THE  CAUSE:  OF  FREEDOM  IN  OUR  COUNTRY. 

Under  the  above  caption  Follen  addressed  another  power 
ful  appeal  to  the  people  of  the  United  States.  In  this  dis 
course  2  he  strikes  at  the  very  root  of  the  whole  trouble, 
directing  his  remarks  not  so  much  against  the  institution  of 
slavery  itself,  but  against  what  he  considered  the  general  spirit3 
of  intolerance  and  oppression,  which  he  believed  was  under 
mining  the  very  foundations  of  our  national  life, — a  spirit  of 
which  negro  slavery  was  only  the  grosser  manifestation.  In 
spite  of  delusive  appearance,  of  the  deceptive  calm  on  the 
surface  of  society,  he  saw  with  the  eye  of  a  critical  observer 
in  all  the  different  phases  of  American  life,  in  all  the  flunctua- 
tions  of  public  opinion,  two  antagonistic  principles, — liberty 
and  oppression.  By  liberty  he  meant,  of  course,  the  natural 
rights  to  those  things  which  best  subserve  the  progress  and 
happiness  of  mankind;  and  by  oppression  any  infringement 
on  those  rights,  whether  imposed  upon  one  or  all,  by  the  cun 
ning  of  a  few  or  by  the  violence  of  the  many. 

He  directed  public  attention  especially  to  what  he  con 
sidered  a  tendency  to  oppression  not  only  in  the  manners  and 

1  Antislavery  Conflict,  256. 

2  Published  in  Quarterly  Antislavery  Magazine,  October,  1836. 

3  In  a  letter  to  Follen,  May  9,  1837,  Channing  expresses  this  same 
idea;  cf.  Channing 's  Life,  546. 

—  212  — 


ANTISLAVERY 

habits  of  the  people,  but  also  in  the  state  and  national  laws 
themselves.  Although  the  Declaration  of  Independence  had 
recognized  the  inalienable  rights  of  man  as  the  infallible  test 
of  the  validity  of  every  law,  the  accepted  interpretation  of  the 
Constitution  supported,  to  use  his  own  words,  ''an  aristocracy 
of  absolute  monarchs."  These  illiberal  principles  and  anti- 
republican  tendencies  were  increasing,  as  he  pointed  out,  were 
influencing  public  opinion,  and  in  some  cases  beginning  to 
modify  American  institutions  and  modes  of  life.  Slavery  was 
not  only  a  local  evil  in  the  South,  but  its  moral  effect  upon  the 
nonslaveholding  states  caused  thousands  of  colored  freemen 
to  be  excluded  from  institutions  of  learning,  from  the  refining 
influence  of  good  society,  from  profitable  employment,  and 
even  from  the  exercise  of  political  rights.  Not  only  had  these 
illiberal  principles  affected  the  African,  but  had  made  the  In 
dian,  too,  one  of  the  greatest  victims  of  oppression. 

Turning  from  these  more  prominent  defects  in- our  social 
system  in  general,  Pollen  next  discussed  the  symptoms  of  this 
same  spirit  of  oppression,  which  he  had  observed  in  both  our 
public  and  private  life.  He  called  these  symptoms  "in  part 
superannuated  remnants  of  European  feudal  institutions,  in 
part  the  indication  of  new-grown  propensities  to  return  to  the 
same  creations  of  political  idolatry."  Among  the  remains  of 
feudalism  which  still  existed  in  republican  America  of  the  19th 
century  Follen  mentions  imprisonment  for  debt,  which  was 
still  allowed  by  the  laws  of  some  states;  and  the  binding  out 
of  children  as  apprentices  for  a  much  longer  and  severer  servi 
tude,  he  asserts,  than  the  laws  even  of  monarchical  Europe 
permitted.  As  to  the  question  of  women's  rights  he  speaks 
again  as  follows :  "Women,  although  fully  possessed  of  that 
rational  and  moral  nature  which  is  the  foundation  of  all  rights, 
enjoy  amongst  us  fewer  legal  rights  than  under  the  civil  law  of 
continental  Europe.  Chivalrous  courtesy  is  a  poor  substitute 
for  rights  withheld.  The  deference  so  generally  paid  to  women 
often  bears  the  character  of  condescending  flattery  rather  than 
respect  grounded  on  a  sincere  recognition  of  equality." 

Another  weakness  of  our  national  life  that  Follen  pointed 
out  was  the  passion  for  aristocratic  distinction,  the  great 

—  213  - 


FOLLEN  IN  AMERICA 

regard  which  certain  Americans  had  for  foreign  titles  of  nobil 
ity,  their  intemperate  craving  after  office,  and  their  eager  pur 
suit  of  wealth  in  order  to  keep  up  a  certain  high  style  of  living 
and  to  move  in  a  certain  social  set.  Pollen  found  this  same 
spirit  present  in  religion  and  politics,  dividing  society  into 
classes,  cliques  and  clans,  and  suppressing  individual  feeling 
and  opinion.  In  academic  life  he  observed  in  many  cases  a 
certain  subserviency  to  wealth,  an  artificial  system  of  emula 
tion  among  students,  and  arbitrary  discipline, — defects  which 
he  considered  incompatible  with  the  ideals  of  a  republican  na 
tion.  To  him  this  illiberal  tendency  seemed  to  be  confined  to 
no  particular  individuals  or  classes ;  the  friends  of  freedom  in 
one  sphere  often  acting  the  part  of  oppressors  in  another. 
This  spirit  gave  rise  especially  to  industrial  tyranny,  as  Follen 
observed;  in  attempts  to  prevent  the  association  of  laboring 
men  for  their  mutual  benefit,  in  the  attempts  of  these  same 
labor  organizations  to  force  individuals  to  comply  with  their 
resolutions,  and  in  the  monopolies  of  privileged  corporations. 
But  the  worst  of  all  was,  as  he  maintained,  the  attempt  to  make 
property  instead  of  men  the  basis  of  political  representation, 
to  prevent  universal  suffrage,  and  to  throw  obstacles  in  the 
way  of  universal  education. 

It  was  this  universal  spirit  of  tyranny  which  was  sapping 
the  life  of  the  nation,  that  aroused  Follen  to  send  forth  his 
warning  of  danger — a  warning  which  in  its  pertinency  is  ap 
plicable  even  at  the  present  time.  He  believed  that  safety  lay 
only  in  strict  adherence  to  the  principle  "that  in  a  republic  as 
a  collective,  moral,  free  agent,  all  should  govern  and  obey 
themselves ;"  that  is,  in  universal  suffrage. 

sf^&v 

USE  OF  THE:  PULPIT  IN  THE:  MOVEMENT. 

Such  writers  as  May,  Johnson,  and  Birney  are  unanimous 
in  declaring  that  the  churches  were  the  bulwark  of  slavery  and 
that  the  clergy  was  on  the  whole  hostile  to  abolition.  While 
on  the  other  hand  it  is  conceded  *  that  later  Unitarianism  was 

1  Cf.  Frothingham,   Trancendentalism  in  New  England,  Preface ; 
Merriam,  American  Political  Theories,  216ff. ;  Birney,  281ff. 

—  214  — 


ANTISLAVERY 

closely  related  to  the  abolition  propaganda,  it  is  not  known 
generally  that  Pollen  was  one  of  the  first  Unitarian  preachers 
who  used  the  pulpit  as  a  direct  means  of  proclaiming  anti- 
slavery  principles.  Soon  after  entering  the  ministry  he  was 
taken  to  task  by  one  of  his  friends  in  the  following  words:1 
"Your  sermons  are  very  sensible,  but  you  spoil  your  discourses 
with  your  views  about  freedom.  We  are  all  weary  of  hearing 
the  same  thing  from  you.  You  always  have  something  about 
freedom  in  whatever  you  have  to  say  to  us.  I  am  sick  of 
hearing  about  freedom;  we  have  too  much  freedom."  His 
wife  states2  that  he  never  introduced  the  subject  of  immediate 
abolition  directly  in  the  pulpit  except  once,  but  that  he  always 
preached  against  slavery.  All  his  sermons  were  expressions 
in  some  form  or  another  of  his  faith  in  the  divinity  of  human 
nature,  and  on  the  question  of  slavery  he  stated  his  views 
simply  and  fully,  actuated  only  by  an  unswerving  devotion  to 
what  he  believed  was  true.  It  was  not  merely  his  pity  for  the 
negro  slave  that  made  him  an  antislavery  preacher,  but  rather 
his  great  respect  for  the  rights  of  men  as  such.  He  was  often 
sharply  rebuked  by  his  parishioners,3  but  to  all  criticisms  of 
his  views  on  slavery  he  replied  with  merely  a  pleasant  smile 
and  a  kindly  word  and  preached  on,  discussing  the  question 
with  full  consciousness  of  the  social  sacrifice  it  involved. 

When  Follen  was  invited  to  preach  on  Unitarianism  in 
Washington,  the  stronghold  of  slavery,  he  was  requested  not 
to  introduce  his  slavery  views  into  his  discourses.  As  a  guest 
he  had,  of  course,  to  accede  to  the  wishes  of  the  people,  but 
his  Unitarian  sermons  were  at  the  same  time  antislavery  ser 
mons  without  the  mention  of  slavery.  Concerning  this  incident 
Follen  wrote  to  Channing  as  follows:4  "I  am  obliged  to  be 
silent  on  Abolition  but  I  preach  with  all  my  might  on  the 
dignity  and  rights  of  human  nature,  on  the  great  texts,  'Honor 
all  men/  and  'All  ye  are  brethren/  and  pray  for  the  oppressed. 

1  Works,  I,  250. 

2  Ibid.,  I,  486. 

3  Ibid.,  I,  463f . 

4  Ibid.,  I,  443. 

—  215  — 


FOLLEN  IN  AMERICA 

There  is  now  and  then,  apparently,  an  expectation  of  hearing 
rank  abolition  doctrine,  but  I  avoid  exciting  words  and  let 
the  principles  make  the  desired  impression.  I  have  never  been 
so  strongly  impressed  with  the  intrinsic  antislavery  tendency 
of  Unitarianism,  as  taking  its  stand  on  the  absolute  worth  and 
eternal  destiny  of  human  nature/' 

When  he  became  pastor  of  the  First  Unitarian  Church  in 
New  York  he  was  careful  at  the  very  outset  to  acquaint  his 
congregation  with  his  attitude  upon  the  slavery  question.  In 
his  first  sermon  to  them  he  spoke  of  the  duties  of  the  clergy  to 
all  efforts  of  philanthropy,  mentioning  among  them  the  duty 
of  the  Christian  minister  toward  the  Society  for  the  Abolition 
of  Slavery.  In  a  later  sermon  1  he  gave  direct  expression  to 
his  views  on  slavery.  He  told  his  congregation  plainly  that 
the  spirit  of  civil  liberty  which  had  prompted  the  founders  of 
the  republic  to  throw  off  the  hereditary  traditions  of  the  old 
world  and  to  found  a  new  nation  based  upon  the  principles  of 
freedom  and  equality  should  induce  their  descendents  to  sym 
pathize  with  the  antislavery  cause,  to  employ  all  lawful  and 
moral  means  and  to  make  any  sacrifice  for  removing  from  our 
soil  the  curse  of  slavery.  He  admonished  his  hearers  to  study 
the  subject  thoroughly  and  impartially,  to  read  both  sides  and 
then  with  determined  purpose  to  follow  the  course  which 
conscience  dictated.  He  maintained  that  the  subject  had  to  be 
discussed,  that  free  discussion  was  the  only  way  to  settle  the 
question  satisfactorily,  and  that  it  was  the  duty  of  every  citizen 
under  all  circumstances  to  uphold  the  supremacy  of  the  law 
against  the  attempts  of  mobs  to  suppress  the  freedom  of 
speech. 

Doctrines  such  as  Pollen  here  and  in  his  antislavery 
speeches  promulgated  are  taken  by  us  today  as  a  matter  of 
course,  but  to  the  masses  of  New  York  and  New  England 
three  quarters  of  a  century  ago  they  sounded  like  the  utter 
ances  of  an  anarchist.  The  effect  which  the  sermon  just  men 
tioned  made  upon  the  fashionable  circles  of  New  York  is 
described  by  Pollen  in  a  letter2  to  Miss  Martineau,  as  follows : 

1  Ibid.,  II,  Sermon  16. 

2  Ibid.,  I,  435. 

—  216  — 


ANTISLAVERY 

"The  impression  made  by  this  small  part  of  my  sermon  was 
very  strong;  and  two  influential  men,  one  who  belongs  to  my 
society  and  another  who  belongs  to  Mr.  Dewey's,  left  the  meet 
ing-house  in  great  anger  while  I  was  preaching.  I  have  been 
blamed  by  many  for  introducing  this  subject,  though  they  all 
agree  that  what  I  said  was  true,  and  that  old  custom  allowed 
the  preacher  on  Thanksgiving  day  to  preach  on  politics.  It  is 
somewhat  doubtful  now  whether  they  will  keep  me  here 
permanently,  though  they  declare  themselves  satisfied  in  other 
respects.  I  feel  sure  that  if  I  had  known  the  consequences  I 
should  have  changed  nothing  in  manner  or  matter.  A  few 
strongly  approved  of  the  part  I  had  taken,  but  the  majority  are 
either  angry  or  afraid  or  sorry."  The  matter  turned  out  as 
Follen  suspected  it  would.  At  the  close  of  the  period  for 
which  he  had  been  engaged  on  trial  so  much  opposition  l  to 
his  reappointment  was  manifested  that  he  withdrew  his  name 
as  a  candidate  for  the  permanent  pastorate  of  the  church. 

Dr.  Channing  is  usually  accorded  the  highest  honor  among 
those  Unitarian  clergymen  who  took  their  stand  on  the  slavery 
question.  From  his  early  life  he  was  deeply  impressed  with 
the  evils  of  slavery.  By  preaching  eloquently  against  it  and  by 
contributing  to  antislavery  literature  he  rendered  most  im 
portant  service  in  creating  antislavery  sentiment,  but  while 
recognizing  the  justice  of  immediate  abolition  he  never  identi 
fied  himself  with  the  Abolitionists.  To  Follen  he  wrote  in 
July  1834  as  follows  :2  "So  great  a  question  as  slavery  cannot 
be  viewed  by  all  from  one  position,  nor  with  entire  agreement 
as  to  the  modes  of  treating  it;  and  the  cause  will  be  aided  by 
the  existence  of  a  body  who  have  much  sympathy  with  people 
at  large  as  to  the  difficulties  of  emancipation,  but  who  uncom 
promisingly  maintain  that  the  abolition  of  slavery  ought  im 
mediately  to  be  decided  on,  and  means  used  for  immediately 
commencing  this  work.  I  feel  no  freedom,  as  some  sects  say, 
to  join  any  of  your  bodies,  but  the  cause  is  dear  to  my  heart." 
In  his  letter  to  Birney  in  1836  he  criticized  the  Abolitionists 
for  their  intemperate  language  and  radical  doctrines.  To  these 

1  Ibid,  I,  478. 

2  Channing' s  Works,  530. 

—  217  - 


FOLLEN  IN  AMERICA 

criticisms  Follen  sent  him  subsequently  the  following  friendly 
rebuke  :x  "I  could  wish  that  your  censure  of  the  Abolitionists 
had  been  as  clearly  denned  as  your  generous  expression  of 
what  you  approve  in  their  conduct.  More  distinct  and  pointed 
censure  would  have  benefitted  them  and  have  deprived  the 
enemies  of  their  cause  of  a  means  of  arming  themselves  with 
quotations  which,  taken  by  themselves,  imply  a  more  general 
condemnation  than  they  actually  contain  when  held  together 
by  other  parts  of  the  letter." 

According  to  Chadwick2  it  was  through  Pollen's  influence 
that  Channing  made  his  nearest  approach  to  the  Abolitionists. 
On  this  point  Garrison  himself  speaks  thus  :3  ''I  was  no 
favorite  of  Dr.  Channing  at  any  time.  He  never  gave  me  a 
word  of  counsel  or  encouragement.  He  never  invited  me  to 
see  him  that  he  might  understand  from  my  own  lips  my  real 
feelings  and  purposes,  and  afford  me  the  benefit  of  his  ex 
perience  and  advice.  My  early  faithful  and  clear-sighted 
friend,  Professor  Follen,  tried  to  induce  him  to  make  my 
acquaintance,  believing  it  would  be  mutually  serviceable,  but 
he  never  manifested  any  desire  to  do  so." 

Although  Follen  did  not  agree  with  Garrison  on  many 
questions,  the  latter  counted  him  as  one  of  his  staunchest 
supporters  and  held  him  in  such  loving  esteem  that  he  named 
his  own  son,  "Charles  Follen."  "The  child  had  a  certain  facial 
resemblance  to  Dr.  Follen,"  says  the  biographer  of  Garrison,4 
"and  in  his  father's  own  words  when  the  boy  died  in  1849, 
'gave  promise  of  future  usefulness  and  excellence  in  some 
degree  commensurate  with  the  worth  and  fame  of  the  truly 
great  and  good  man  after  whom  he  was  named  admiringly, 
gratefully,  reverently.' ' 

1  Works,  I,  438. 

2  William  Ellery  Channing,  382. 

3  Liberator,  23  (1854)  ;  Story  of  his  Life,  III,  242. 

4  Story  of  his  Life,  III,  242. 

—  218  — 


ANTISLAVERY 

POLITICAL  ATTITUDE  ON   SLAVERY. 

As  the  abolition  movement  progressed  the  radical  Gar- 
risonians,  it  will  be  remembered,1  gradually  diverged  from  the 
main  body  of  the  Abolitionists  and  identified  themselves  with 
other  social  movements,  denouncing  the  Constitution  and 
advocating  non-resistance,  non-coercion,  and  the  no-govern 
ment  theory  in  politics.  Follen,  however,  can  hardly  be  classed 
with  this  extreme  left  wing.  According  to  Mrs.  Pollen's 
account,2  he  did  not  agree  with  Garrison  on  some  questions 
apart  from  the  antislavery  propaganda,  and  was  often  dis 
pleased  with  his  intemperate  language  and  bitter  attacks  upon 
individuals,  but  he  loved  and  honored  him  and  aided  him  in 
every  way  possible,  believing  that  his  virtues  far  outweighed 
his  faults  and  that  his  harsh  utterances  were  prompted  by 
the  same  spirit  that  moved  the  prophets  of  old.  Follen  him 
self  never  indulged  in  personal  vituperation  on  the  slavery 
question ;  as  Rev.  Simmons  testifies,3  "his  zeal  in  Antislavery 
never  betrayed  him  into  ascerbity  and  intolerance,  for  he  was 
not  a  bigot  in  any  department  of  thought  or  action."  Like 
Garrison  he  was  a  staunch  advocate  of  abolition,  but  unlike 
him  he  was,  according  to  Miss  Peabody's  statement,4  "an  un 
compromising  compensationist."  As  to  immediate  abolition 
he  believed  5  that  the  state  of  ignorance  obtaining  among  the 
slaves  might,  indeed,  render  it  inexpedient  to  give  them  the 
immediate  and  unlimited  exercise  of  every  privilege,  but  main 
tained  it  was  a  duty  to  give  them  the  immediate  enjoyment  of 
all  those  rights  for  which  they  were  qualified  together  with 
the  means  to  fit  themselves  as  soon  as  possible  for  the  exercise 
of  every  privilege  enjoyed  by  the  white  freemen. 

It  was  the  main  function  and  the  chief  service  of  the 
early  Abolitionists,  such  as  Garrison,  May,  Whittier,  and  Fol- 

1  Birney,  314ff. ;  Goodell,  457ff . ;  Woodburn,  56ff. 

2  Works,  I,  379f . 

s  Cf .  Sprague's  Annals,  VIII,  544. 

4  Ibid.,  VIII,  547. 

5  Cf.  Address  to  the  American  People,  Works,  V,  198. 

—  219  — 


FOLLEN  IN  AMERICA 

len  to  arouse  the  national  conscience, — to  lay  the  foundation 
upon  which  was  to  rise  a  political  party  to  oppose  the  spread 
of  slavery.  About  1834  Garrison  advocated  a  "Christian  party 
in  politics,"  with  particular  reference,  it  is  said,1  to  the  slave 
question,  but  soon  abandoned  this  for  his  no-government 
hobby.  Follen,  on  the  other  hand,  was  desirous  of  carrying 
the  propaganda  into  the  political  arena.  This  is  plainly  evident 
from  his  article  on  The  Cause  of  Freedom  in  our  Country. 
"When  we  see  the  anti-republicans,"  he  says,2  "in  every  walk 
of  life  and  line  of  business  endeavoring  to  strengthen  their 
natural  connection  by  active  alliance  and  cooperation,  it  is  high 
time  that  the  republicans  of  every  description,  the  friends  of 
universal  freedom  in  speaking,  printing,  trading,  manufactur 
ing,  voting,  and  worshipping,  should  recognize  each  other  as 
fellow-laborers  and  learn  consistency  from  their  common 
enemy." 

In  the  last  paragraph  of  this  article  he  expressly  advocates 
the  founding  of  a  new  progressive  democratic  party  organized 
upon  the  fundamental  principles  of  abolition.  He  expresses 
himself  on  the  subject  as  follows : 3  "It  becomes  those  who 
have  not  lost  all  sense  of  the  dignity  of  human  nature  to 
declare  that  they  consider  the  personal  rights  of  man  as  the 
foundation  of  every  other;  and  that  they  cannot  recognize 
any  property  which  is  inconsistent  with  that  which  every 
human  being  holds  in  his  own  soul  and  body.  If  there  is  ever 
to  be  in  this  country  a  party  that  shall  take  its  character  and 
name  not  from  particular  liberal  measures,  or  popular  men, 
but  from  its  uncompromising  and  consistent  adherence  to 
Freedom,  it  must  direct  its  first  decided  effort  against  the 
grossest  form,  the  most  complete  manifestation  of  oppression ; 
and  having  taken  antislavery  ground,  it  must  carry  out  the 
principle  of  liberty  in  all  its  consequences.  It  must  support 
every  measure  conductive  to  the  greatest  possible  individual, 
social,  moral,  intellectual,  religious,  and  political  freedom, 

1Goodell,  469;  Birney,  289,  309. 

2  Quarterly  Antislavery  Magazine,  October,   1836,  p.  65 ;   cf.  also 
Goodell,  469. 

»  Ibid.,  p.  72f . 

—  220  — 


ANTISLAVERY 

whether  that  measure  be  brought  forward  by  inconsistent 
slave-holders  or  by  consistent  freemen.  It  must  embrace  the 
whole  sphere  of  human  action,  watching  and  opposing  the 
slightest  illiberal,  anti-republican  tendency;  and  concentrating 
its  whole  force  and  influence  against  slavery  itself,  in  com 
parison  with  which  every  other  species  of  tyranny  is  tolerable, 
by  which  every  other  is  strengthened  and  justified." 

Pollen  made  his  last  contribution  1  to  antislavery  literature 
in  the  autumn  of  1838.  In  July  of  that  year  the  Christian 
Examiner  contained  two  articles  2  in  which  the  Abolitionists 
were  accused  of  being  wrong  and  unwise  in  their  measures, 
and  of  having  discussed  the  subject  of  slavery  in  a  manner 
decidedly  at  variance  with  constitutional  liberty  of  speech  and 
of  the  press.  Since  Pollen's  name  was  on  the  list  of  con 
tributors  to  the  Examiner  he  was  given  permission  3  by  the 
editors  to  send  in  an  article  in  vindication  of  these  charges  on 
condition  that  it  should  contain  no  pointed  answer  to  anything 
the  Examiner  had  published  against  abolition.  In  his  vindi 
cation  Pollen  gave  a  complete  resume  of  abolition  principles, 
emphasizing  that  political  means  were  to  be  employed  for  the 
prohibition  of  slavery  in  all  federal  domains,  but  disclaiming 
any  purpose  on  the  part  of  the  Abolitionists  to  interfere  with 
the  so-called  state  rights. 

Concerning  the  political  phase  of  abolition  Pollen  ex 
presses  his  views  again  in  a  letter4  written  about  this  time  to 
Miss  Martineau,  as  follows :  "We  Abolitionists  have  changed 
our  political  course.  We  are  satisfied  that  abolition  in  the 
District  of  Columbia  and  prohibition  of  the  internal  trade  are 
more  important  than  all  other  political  controversies  of  the 
day.  So  each  is  ready  to  waive  his  democratic  or  whig  pro 
pensities  in  favor  of  the  candidate  who  will  vote  for  these  two 

1  Antislavery  Principles  and  Proceedings,  published  in  the  Chris 
tian  Examiner,  XXIII   (November,  1838). 

2  Review  of   Dr.  Wayland's  Limitation  of  Responsibility,  and  of 
Miss  Martineau's  Retrospect  of  Western  Travel. 

3  Works,  I,  493. 

4  Works,  I,  489f . 

—  221  — 


FOLLEN  IN  AMERICA 

measures.  This  course,  considering  the  nearly  equal  strength 
of  the  two  parties,  will  give  us  a  practical  influence  for  free 
dom,  which  no  attempt  at  forming  a  new  party  of  our  own 
would  procure  us.  Think  of  the  disgrace  of  the  democratic 
members  in  the  last  Congress  before  the  adjournment,  agreeing 
upon  a  declaration  of  sentiments  in  which  antislavery  is  de 
nounced  for  the  purpose  of  conciliating  the  South." 

It  was  this  attitude  of  subserviency  on  the  part  of  the  two 
great  parties  to  the  interests  of  the  slave  power  that  led  the 
one  wing  of  the  political  Abolitionists  to  discard  the  plan  of 
holding  a  balance  of  power  and  to  found  an  independent  poli 
tical  party  in  1840.1  In  view  of  the  fact  that  Follen  was  a 
staunch  advocate  of  such  a  party  somewhat  earlier,  it  is  very 
probable  that  he  would  have  affiliated  with  this  new  Liberty 
Party  had  he  lived  until  its  organization. 

****** 

Pollen's  untimely  death  caused  great  sorrow  in  the  ranks 
of  the  Abolitionists;  they  felt,  as  Mr.  May  expresses  it,  that 
"one  of  our  towers  of  strength  had  fallen."  Follen  lost  his 
life  in  January,  1840,  and  in  February  following,  the  Anti- 
slavery  Society  made  arrangements  to  hold  a  great  public 
memorial  service  in  which  Mr.  May  was  to  make  the  main 
eulogy.  So  strong  was  the  feeling  against  the  Society  that  all 
the  churches  of  Boston  were  refused  for  this  meeting.  2 
Channing  indeed  offered  his  church,  but  the  trustees  would  not 
give  their  consent.3  Even  Follen's  own  church  4  at  East  Lex 
ington  which  had  been  built  under  his  direction,  and  to  the 

1  Goodell,  468ff. ;  Birney,  332ff. 

2  Cf .  Antislavery  Conflict,  258f.    According  to  Chadwick's  Life  of 
Channing,  294,  Wendell  Phillips  denounced  this  incident  as  the  lowest 
depths  of  Boston's  subserviency  to  the  slaveholding  interests. 

3  Channing  was  greatly  grieved  by  this  insult  to  the  memory  of  his 
friend;  cf.  Channincfs  Life,  571 ;  Chadwick,  412,  says  also  that  the  fact 
that  Channing  preached  only  a  few  more  times  in  the  Federal  Street 
Church  may  be  taken  as  a  sign  of  his  instinctive  withdrawal  from  a 
ministry  to  which  such  an  incident  was  possible. 

4  The  church  is  now  called  the  Follen  Church  and  a  tablet  in  mem 
ory  of  Follen  has  recently  been  placed  on  its  walls. 

—  222  — 


ANTISLAVERY 

dedicatory  exercises  of  which  he  was  on  his  way  when  he  met 
his  horrible  death,  was  refused.  Not  until  April  27th  was 
there  a  church  unbarred,  when  Rev.  Walker  offered  the  use 
of  Marlborough  Chapel  in  which  to  hold  the  eulogy  and  other 
appropriate  exercises  commemorative  of  Pollen's  service  to  the 
cause  of  liberty  both  in  Europe  and  in  America.  His  struggle 
for  political  freedom  and  German  unity  had  ended  in  exile. 
His  moral  courage,  his  boldness,  and  fearlessness  in  daring  to 
lift  up  his  voice  in  behalf  of  the  enslaved  had  destroyed  his 
prospects  also  in  this  country.1  The  consequent  poverty  and 
loss  of  friends  made  him  a  second  time  a  martyr  to  the  cause 
of  freedom. 

In  regard  to  the  part  which  the  German-Americans  took 
in  the  abolition  of  American  slavery  Follen  was  a  pioneer  pav 
ing  the  way  for  those  who  came  later,  especially  the  Forty- 
eighters,  who  played  so  important  a  role  in  the  organization 
of  the  Republican  party  and  in  fighting  the  battles  of  the  civil 
war.  Had  Karl  Follen  lived  to  continue  his  efforts  and  to  take 
part  in  the  great  final  conflict  his  name  would  without  doubt 
stand  high  2  in  the  list  of  those  heroic  spirits  through  whose 
labors  and  sacrifice  the  stain  of  slavery  was  blotted  out  of  our 
national  life. 


1  It  is  said  that  his  prospects  for  promotion  in  the  University  and 
in  the  Unitarian  Church  were  destroyed  by  his  devotion  to  antislavery. 
Cf.  May,  Antislavery  Conflict,  256f . ;  Whittier,  Poetical  Works,  IV,  30; 
Carlos  Martyn's  work  on  Wendell  Phillips,  108;  Lindsay  Swift's  work 
on  Garrison,  119,  144;  J.  J.  Chapman's  work  on  Garrison,  28. 

2  The  service  alone  which  he  rendered  the  cause  in  his  defense  of 
free  speech  was  great  enough  in  the  opinion  of  W.  H.  Channing  to 
rank  him  among  our  national  heroes  and  sages.     Cf.  Christian  Exam 
iner,  XXXIII,  54. 


—  223 


CONCLUSION. 

Follen  exerted  his  greatest  influence  not  so  much  by  his 
writings  as  by  his  deeds.  In  summing  up  his  various  activities 
one  is  impressed  by  the  fact  that  they  emanated  from  a  person 
ality  endowed  with  a  moral  will-power  of  extraordinary  force. 
It  is  the  manifestation  of  this  will-power  which  gives  his 
tragic  career  the  character  of  an  organic  unity.  The  term 
"Der  Unbedingte"  under  which  he  was  known  in  his  youth 
characterized  him  to  the  end  of  his  life.  Whatever  he  recog 
nized  as  just  and  true  he  pursued  with  unyielding  perseverence 
regardless  of  the  results.  There  was  an  element  of  heroism  in 
his  character. 

To  his  moral  strength  was  joined  also  great  intellectual 
power.  He  was  eminent  not  only  in  the  field  of  benevolent 
action,  but  also  in  the  realm  of  abstract  thought.  He  had  a 
profound  knowledge  of  history  and  law,  but  his  inclinations 
were  chiefly  to  philosophical  subjects,  especially  to  questions 
concerning  the  nature  and  destiny  of  the  human  mind.  With 
Kant  he  considered  life  a  state  in  which  man,  as  a  free  moral 
agent  and  faithful  to  duty,  is  to  determine  himself,  is  to 
advance  amid  trials  and  temptations  toward  a  more  perfect 
existence.  In  the  discussion  of  such  exalted  themes  his 
thoughts,  often  original,  were  arrayed  in  language  beautified 
by  his  lively  immagination  and  deep  feeling.1  His  intellect  and 
heart  reacted  upon  each  other.  To  use  the  words  of  Miss 
Peabody,2  "his  mind  could  comprehend  any  depths  of  prin 
ciple,  but  he  did  not  carry  his  brain  in  his  head  so  much  as  in 
his  heart."  This  beautiful  harmony  of  his  nature  explains  the 
secret  of  his  remarkable  influence. 

It  was  Pollen's  idealism  that  made  him  a  political  and 
religious  reformer.  Imbued  with  the  teachings  of  the  idealistic 
philosophers  and  poets  of  Germany,  he  was  filled  with 
righteous  indignation  at  the  arrogant  despotism  of  the  German 
rulers  of  his  time.  For  him  to  think  and  be  convinced  was  to 

1  Cf .  Miss  Martineau,  Society  in  America,  III,  76:  "The  great 
mass  of  his  knowledge  is  vivified  by  a  spirit  which  seems  to  have 
passed  through  all  human  experiences." 

2Cf.  Sprague's  Annals,  VIII,  547. 
224 


CONCLUSION 

act ;  consequently  he  entered  the  struggle  against  absolute  mon- 
archism  regardless  of  the  cost  to  himself,  espousing  the  cause 
of  liberty  with  a  moral  heroism  which  could  not  be  daunted 
by  the  threats  of  tyrants.  In  his  attempt  to  overthrow  despot 
ism  he  was  actuated  only  by  the  purest  and  noblest  motives, 
by  his  sense  of  justice,  his  ardent  patriotism,  and  his  love  of 
liberty.  On  account  of  his  unfaltering  devotion  to  these  ideals 
he  was  driven  from  his  native  land,  persecuted  in  person  and 
in  reputation. 

Endowed  with  talents  of  the  highest  order,  distinguished 
for  his  broad  learning,  and  hailed  as  the  champion  of  liberal 
ism  in  Germany,  he  came  to  this  country  at  a  time  when 
American  life,  as  has  been  indicated,  was  in  the  initial  stages 
of  cultural  and  national  evolution.  With  an  unswerving 
devotion  to  his  ideals  of  social,  political,  and  religious  freedom 
he  identified  himself  with  the  chief  reform  movements  of  the 
times.  In  the  lecture  room  of  the  College,  from  the  pulpit  and 
political  platform,  and  through  the  press  he  contributed  to  the 
introduction  of  those  German  ideals  which,  by  fusing  with  the 
best  spirit  of  American  civilization,  were  to  become  an  im 
portant  factor  in  the  growth  of  our  composite  national  culture. 
He  was  convinced  that  the  highest  of  American  and  German 
ideals  tended  toward  the  same  end : *  a  freer  and  more  perfect 
humanity.  While  in  character  and  aspirations  he  remained  a 
true  German  he  was  at  the  same  time  a  loyal  and  devoted 
citizen  of  this  country. 

In  the  sphere  of  higher  education  he  was  a  living  exponent 
of  German  freedom  and  thoroughness  in  teaching  and  in 
learning,  thus  contributing  by  precept  and  example  to  the 
remodeling  of  the  American  universities  upon  the  German 
plan.2  In  the  field  of  modern  language  instruction,  especially 
of  German,  he  was  a  pathfinder. 

1  It  is  interesting  to  note  that  several  years  before  he  left  Europe 
he  wrote  the  following,  anticipating  his  future  mission  in  this  country : 
"Wenn  es  als  die  hochste  Aufgabe  des  amerikanischen  Gemeinwesens 
gilt,  die  Idee  der  Freiheit  und  Gleichheit  in  reinster  Form  zu  verwirk- 
lichen,  so  muss  von  Deutschland  als  dem  Mittelpunkt  der  ganzen  neuen 
Bildung  auch  fur  Amerika  der  tiefe  geistige  Gehalt  ausgehen,  der  allein 
die  Grundlage  seines  Bestrebens  ausmachen  kann" ;  cf .  Haupt,  146. 

2  Cf.  Works,  III,  291ff. 

-  225  - 


FOLLEN  IN  AMERICA 

In  matters  of  religion  he  found  New  England  held  in  the 
bonds  of  sectarian  prejudices,  but  seeking  after  those  universal 
principles  of  faith  that  are  convincing  and  inspiring  to  all 
hearts  and  minds.  By  his  interpretation  of  German  literature 
and  idealistic  philosophy,  and  by  expounding  the  liberalism 
and  spirituality  of  Schleiermacher  he  contributed  in  some 
measure  to  the  spreading  of  religious  principles  which  opened 
the  way  for  a  new  religious  life  and  a  more  scientific  theology 
in  this  country.  In  view  of  the  central  position  which  religious 
thought  still  occupied  in  the  American  mind  of  his  time  his 
influence  was  that  of  a  spiritual  liberator  who  might  have  risen 
to  national  eminence  had  his  career  not  been  cut  short  by  an 
untimely  death. 

True  to  his  principles  of  reform  he  threw  all  the  weight 
of  his  influence  upon  the  side  of  the  antislavery  movement  also. 
"I  thank  God,"  he  exclaimed,1  "that  I  have  been  allowed  to 
embark  in  this  great  ark  of  liberty,  floating  upon  the  deluge  of 
slavery  that  covers  the  East  and  the  West,  and  bearing  within 
it  the  seeds  of  the  regeneration  of  the  human  race." 

Personally  he  was  preeminently  a  lovable  character.  The 
traits  of  his  nature  which  most  strongly  impressed  themselves 
upon  people  were  his  charming  courtesy  and  his  thoughtful- 
ness  of  others.  His  portrait  shows  a  face  which  reveals  the 
rare  and  lofty  spirit  within.  W.  E.  Channing  describes  him 
thus : 2  "He  was  a  hero,  a  man  of  lion  heart,  victorious  over 
fear,  gathering  strength  and  animation  from  danger,  and 
bound  the  faster  to  duty  by  its  hardships  and  privations ;  and 
at  the  same  time  he  was  a  child  in  simplicity,  sweetness  and 
innocence.  His  countenance,  which  at  times  wore  a  stern 
decision,  was  generally  lighted  up  with  a  beautiful  benignity; 
and  his  voice,  which  expressed  when  occasion  required  it  an 
inflexible  will,  was  to  many  of  us  musical  beyond  expression 
from  the  deep  tenderness  which  it  breathed."  His  heart  beat 
in  unison  with  humanity.  Although  endowed  with  superior 
intellectual  qualities  and  refined  tastes  he  had  the  greatest 

1  Ibid.,  I,  458. 

2  Channing- 's  Works,  614. 

—  226  — 


CONCLUSION 

respect  for  minds  trained  in  simple  habits,  and  the  broadest 
sympathies  with  ordinary  laboring  men.  Nature,  too,  was  a 
perpetual  joy  to  him;  it  was  a  part  of  that  worship  which  was 
always  arising  from  his  soul  to  the  creator  of  the  universe. 
His  wife  tells  x  us  that  he  would  step  out  of  his  path  to  avoid 
crushing  the  most  common  flower,  that  he  looked  up  at  the 
stars  nightly  with  the  same  devout  admiration  as  if  they  had 
just  been  hung  in  the  unfathomable  depths  of  the  heavens,  and 
that  he  rejoiced  at  the  sight  of  the  rising  sun  every  morning 
as  if  it  had  just  been  created  and  he  was  beholding  it  for  the 
first  time. 

Such  is  the  record  of  his  life  and  services.  It  was  a  career 
of  disappointments,  but  the  trials  which  he  had  to  bear  never 
conquered  his  spirit  nor  clouded  his  hope.  After  being  ex 
pelled  from  positions  of  honor  in  Germany  he  secured  in  this 
country  a  sphere  of  activity  which  again  opened  up  to  him  the 
opportunity  of  support  and  usefulness.  But  in  spite  of  his 
great  attainments  and  ability  his  life  in  the  United  States  was 
one  of  hard  struggle  and  narrow  circumstances.  Had  he  been 
less  devoted  to  truth  and  duty,  and  ready  to  compromise,  he 
might  have  gained  high  position, — at  least  a  home  and  a  com 
fortable  living.  To  superficial  observers  his  life  may  have 
seemed  a  failure;  but,  to  use  the  words  of  W.  H.  Channing,2 
"in  all  that  is  best  worth  living  for, — growth,  peace,  love,  use 
fulness,  honor,  and  abiding  presence  in  grateful  memories, 
Karl  Follen  was  crowned  with  a  perfect  success." 

The  news  of  Pollen's  sudden  death  cast  a  shadow  of  deep 
gloom  over  his  large  circle  of  friends.  In  speaking  of  his 
tragic  end,  Bryant,3  who  had  learned  to  love  and  admire  him 
in  New  York,  eulogized  him  as  follows :  "The  world  had  not 
a  firmer,  a  more  ardent,  a  more  consistent  friend  of  liberty. 
No  man  could  have  known  him,  even  slightly,  without  being 
strongly  impressed  by  the  surpassing  benignity  of  his  temper. 
He  is  taken  from  us  by  a  mysterious  Providence  in  the  midst 

1  Works,  I,  406. 

2  Christian  Examiner,  XXXIII,  S4f. 

3  Goodwin,  Life  of  Bryant,  I,  377. 

-227- 


FOLLEN  IN  AMERICA 

of  his  usefulness."  Charles  Sumner,1  who  had  been  his  pupil 
at  Harvard,  wrote  to  a  friend:  "Dr.  Follen  is  gone;  able, 
virtuous,  learned,  good,  with  a  heart  throbbing  to  all  that  is 
honest  and  humane."  Harriet  Martineau  2  characterized  him 
as  the  most  remarkable  and  greatest  man  she  had  met  in 
America.  Dr.  Channing3  paid  him  the  high  tribute  of  being 
on  the  whole  one  of  the  best  men  he  had  ever  known :  "His 
loss  is  one  of  the  greatest  bereavements  of  my  life.  *  *  *  I 
honored  and  loved  him  above  most  friends.  *  *  *  Such  sweet 
ness  and  such  nobleness  have  seldom  been  joined.  He  was  one 
of  the  few  who  won  my  heart  and  confidence." 

In  the   following  lines,  Whittier 4  has   immortalized  the 
name  of  his  departed  friend: 

Friend  of  my  soul!  as  with  moist  eye 

I  look  upon  this  page  of  thine, 
Is  it  a  dream  that  thou  art  nigh, 

Thy  mild  face  gazing  into  mine? 

That  presence  seems  before  me  now, 
A  placid  heaven  of  sweet  moonrise, 

When,  dew-like,  on  the  earth  below 
Descends  the  quiet  of  the  skies. 

The  calm  brow  through  the  parted  hair, 
The  gentle  lip  which  knew  no  guile, 

Softening  the  blue  eye's  thoughtful  care 
With  the  bland  beauty  of  thy  smile. 

Thou  livest,  Follen!  not  in  vain 

Hath  thy  fine  spirit  meekly  borne 

The  burthen  of  Life's  cross  of  pain, 

And  the  thorned  crown  of  suffering  won. 

'Tis  something  to  a  heart  like  mine 
To  think  of  thee  as  living  yet; 

To  feel  that  such  a  light  as  thine 
Could  not  in  utter  darkness  set. 

1  Life  and  Letters,  II,  133. 

2  Society  in  America,  III,  75f. 
»  Channmo/s  Works,  608. 

4  Poetical  Works,  Riverside  Edition,  IV,  30ff. 

—  228  — 


LIST  OF  POLLEN'S  WRITINGS. 

Grundziige   fur  eine  kiinftige  teutsche  Reichs-Verfassung,   1818.     Cf. 

Jarcke,  83ff. 

Beitrage  zur  Geschichte  der  teutschen  Samtschulen,  Teutschland,  1818. 
Das  Grosse  Lied,  1818.    Cf.  Wit's  Fragmente  I,  430-448. 
Politische  Aufsatze,  1819.    Ibid.  Ill,  Sec.  1,  174-200. 
Denkschrift  iiber  die  deutsche  Bildungsanstalt  in  Nordamerika,   1819. 

Preserved  in  State  Archives,  Berlin. 
Ged'ichte,  Freye  Stimmen  frischer  Jugend.    Jena,  1819. 
Ucber  Spinoza,  Zeitschrif t  der  Wissenschaf tlichen  Religion.   Basel,  1823. 
Ueber  die  Bestimmung  des  Menschen,  Ibid. 
Deutsches  Lesebuch  fur  Anfanger.    Cambridge,  1826. 
A  Practical  Grammar  of  the  German  Language.    Boston,  1828. 
The  Future  State  of  Man,  Chr.  Exam.  VII,  1829,  VIII,  1830;  Works  V, 

30f. 

Contributions  to  the  Christian  Teacher's  Manual.     Boston,  1828-'30. 
German-English  Interlinear  Gospel  of  St.  John.    Boston,  1836. 
Review  of  Bancroft's  Translation  of  Heeren's  History  of  the  States  of 

Antiquity,  Am.  Quart.  Rev.  1829;  Works  V,  99ff. 
Review  of  Wheaton's  History  of  the  Northmen.     Ibid.     1831. 
Inaugural  Discourse,  1831,  Works  V,  125ff. 

Review  of  Benj.  Constant's  Work  on  Religion,  Am.  Quart.  Rev.,  1832. 
Funeral  Oration  on  Dr.  Gasper  Spurzheim,  1832,  Works  V,  153ff. 
Address  to  the  American  People  on  Slavery,  1834,  Ibid.  V,  189ff. 
Franklin  Lecture  to  the  Workingmen  of  Boston,  Nov.  1834,  Ibid.  V, 

228ff. 

Address  before  the  Mass.  Antislavery  Society,  1836,  Ibid.  I,  637ff. 
Religion  and  the  Church,  1836,  Ibid.  V,  254ff. 
The  Cause  of  Freedom  in  our  Country,  Quart.  Antislavery  Mag.  Oct. 

1836. 

Discussion  of  International  Copyright  Law,  The  Plaindealer,  Feb.  1837. 
Antislavery  Principles  and  Proceedings,  Chr.  Exam.,  Nov.  1838. 
Peace  and  War,  U.  S.  Mag.  and  Demo.  Rev.  V,  1839;  also  Works  V, 

314ff. 

Lectures  on  Schiller,  Works  IV. 
Lectures  on  Moral  Philosophy,  Ibid.,  III. 
Introduction  to  the  Elements  of  Psychology,  Ibid.,  Ill,  323ff. 
Sermons,  Ibid.,  II. 

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—  234  — 


VITA. 

The  writer  was  born  at  Woodland,  Michigan,  November 
15,  1877.  After  receiving  his  secondary  education  he  entered 
Indiana  University  where  he  pursued  his  German  studies 
under  the  direction  of  Professor  Gustaf  Karsten,  receiving  the 
A.  B.  degree  in  1900.  In  1906  he  was  Instructor  in  Latin  and 
German  in  the  High  School  of  Carthage,  Missouri.  From  1907 
to  1909  he  was  Instructor  in  German  in  Indiana  University, 
receiving  from  that  institution  the  A.  M.  degree  in  1908. 
From  1909  to  1911  he  was  Instructor  in  German  in  the  State 
University  of  Kansas.  After  this  he  spent  two  semesters  in 
Berlin  and  one  in  Munich,  hearing  lectures  on  the  German 
language  and  literature  under  Professors  Erich  Schmidt, 
Richard  Meyer,  Gustav  Roethe,  Wm.  Streitberg,  Rudolph 
Unger  and  others.  In  1913  he  became  Assistant  in  German 
in  the  State  University  of  Illinois,  continuing  his  Germanic 
studies  under  Professors  Julius  Goebel,  O.  E.  Lessing  and 
Dr.  Alexander  Green. 


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